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Beauclerc, King of England Henry I b. Sep 1068 Selby, Yorkshire, England d. 8 Dec 1135 London, London, England

Beauclerc, King of England Henry I

Male 1068 - 1135  (~ 67 years)


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  • Name Beauclerc, Henry  [1, 2, 3, 4, 5
    Title King of England 
    Suffix
    Born Sep 1068  Selby, Yorkshire, England Find all individuals with events at this location  [1, 2, 3, 4, 5
    Appointments / Titles 3 Aug 1100 
    King of England 
    Christened 12 Aug 1100  Selby, Yorkshire, England Find all individuals with events at this location 
    Gender Male 
    Appointments / Titles 28 Sep 1106  Normandy, France Find all individuals with events at this location 
    Duke of Normandie 
    Died 8 Dec 1135  London, London, England Find all individuals with events at this location  [1
    Buried 4 Jan 1136  Reading Abbey, Reading, Berkshire, England Find all individuals with events at this location  [1, 2, 3, 4, 5
    Person ID I25442  The Thoma Family
    Last Modified 26 Oct 2017 

    Father Beauclerc, William I,   b. 1028, Falaise, Calvados, Basse-Normandie, France Find all individuals with events at this location,   d. 15 Sep 1087, Rouen, Seine-Maritime, Haute-Normandie, France Find all individuals with events at this location  (Age 59 years) 
    Relationship natural 
    Mother of Flanders, Matilda,   b. 24 Nov 1031, Gent, Oost-Vlaanderen, Belgium Find all individuals with events at this location,   d. 2 Nov 1083, Caen, Calvados, Basse-Normandie, France Find all individuals with events at this location  (Age 51 years) 
    Relationship natural 
    Family ID F9303  Group Sheet  |  Family Chart

    Family of Scotland, Matilda,   b. 1079, Fife, Scotland Find all individuals with events at this location,   d. 1118, London, London, England Find all individuals with events at this location  (Age 39 years) 
    Married London, London, England Find all individuals with events at this location  [1
    Married 18 Nov 1100  [1, 2, 3, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10
    Children 
     1. of England, Matilda,   b. 5 Aug 1102, London, London, England Find all individuals with events at this location,   d. 10 Sep 1169, Rouen, Seine-Maritime, Haute-Normandie, France Find all individuals with events at this location  (Age 67 years)  [natural]
    Last Modified 26 Oct 2017 
    Family ID F9302  Group Sheet  |  Family Chart

  • Event Map
    Link to Google MapsBorn - Sep 1068 - Selby, Yorkshire, England Link to Google Earth
    Link to Google MapsChristened - 12 Aug 1100 - Selby, Yorkshire, England Link to Google Earth
    Link to Google MapsAppointments / Titles - Duke of Normandie - 28 Sep 1106 - Normandy, France Link to Google Earth
    Link to Google MapsDied - 8 Dec 1135 - London, London, England Link to Google Earth
    Link to Google MapsBuried - 4 Jan 1136 - Reading Abbey, Reading, Berkshire, England Link to Google Earth
    Link to Google MapsMarried - - London, London, England Link to Google Earth
     = Link to Google Earth 

  • Photos
    BEAUCLERC, Henry I.jpg
    BEAUCLERC, Henry I.jpg

    Documents
    BEAUCLERC, Henry I.pdf
    BEAUCLERC, Henry I.pdf

  • Notes 
    • Henry I
      Miniature from Matthew Paris's
      Historia Anglorum
      King of England (more ...)
      Tenure 2 August 1100 – 1 December 1135
      Coronation 5 August 1100
      Predecessor William II
      Successor Stephen
      Duke of Normandy
      Tenure 1106 – 1 December 1135
      Predecessor Robert Curthose
      Successor Stephen
      Born c. 1068
      Possibly Selby, Yorkshire
      Died 1 December 1135 (aged 66–67)
      Saint-Denis-en-Lyons, Normandy
      Burial Reading Abbey
      Spouse Matilda of Scotland
      m. 1100; dec. 1118
      Adeliza of Louvain
      m. 1121; wid. 1135
      Issue Matilda, Holy Roman Empress
      Henry I of England
      From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
      Henry I (c. 1068 – 1 December 1135), also known as Henry
      Beauclerc, was King of England from 1100 to his death.
      Henry was the fourth son of William the Conqueror and was
      educated in Latin and the liberal arts. On William's death in
      1087, Henry's elder brothers Robert Curthose and William
      Rufus inherited Normandy and England, respectively, but
      Henry was left landless. Henry purchased the County of
      Cotentin in western Normandy from Robert, but William and
      Robert deposed him in 1091. Henry gradually rebuilt his
      power base in the Cotentin and allied himself with William
      against Robert. Henry was present when William died in a
      hunting accident in 1100, and he seized the English throne,
      promising at his coronation to correct many of William's less
      popular policies. Henry married Matilda of Scotland but
      continued to have a large number of mistresses by whom he
      had many illegitimate children.
      Robert, who invaded in 1101, disputed Henry's control of
      England; this military campaign ended in a negotiated
      settlement that confirmed Henry as king. The peace was
      short-lived, and Henry invaded the Duchy of Normandy in
      1105 and 1106, finally defeating Robert at the Battle of
      Tinchebray. Henry kept Robert imprisoned for the rest of his
      life. Henry's control of Normandy was challenged by Louis
      VI of France, Baldwin VII of Flanders and Fulk V of Anjou,
      who promoted the rival claims of Robert's son, William
      Clito, and supported a major rebellion in the Duchy between
      1116 and 1119. Following Henry's victory at the Battle of
      Brémule, a favourable peace settlement was agreed with
      Louis in 1120.
      Considered by contemporaries to be a harsh but effective
      ruler, Henry skilfully manipulated the barons in England and
      Normandy. In England, he drew on the existing Anglo-Saxon
      system of justice, local government and taxation, but also
      strengthened it with additional institutions, including the
      royal exchequer and itinerant justices. Normandy was also
      governed through a growing system of justices and an
      exchequer. Many of the officials who ran Henry's system
      were "new men" of obscure backgrounds rather than from
      families of high status, who rose through the ranks as
      administrators. Henry encouraged ecclesiastical reform, but
      became embroiled in a serious dispute in 1101 with
      Archbishop Anselm of Canterbury, which was resolved
      through a compromise solution in 1105. He supported the
      Cluniac order and played a major role in the selection of the
      senior clergy in England and Normandy.
      more ... William Adelin
      Robert, 1st Earl of Gloucester
      Alice FitzRoy
      Gilbert FitzRoy
      Matilda FitzRoy, Countess of Perche
      Fulk FitzRoy
      Sybilla, Queen of Scots
      Reginald de Dunstanville, 1st Earl of
      Cornwall
      Robert FitzEdith, Lord Okehampton
      Henry FitzRoy (d. 1158)
      Matilda FitzRoy, Abbess of
      Montvilliers
      House Normandy
      Father William I of England
      Mother Matilda of Flanders
      Henry's only legitimate son and heir, William Adelin,
      drowned in the White Ship disaster of 1120, throwing the
      royal succession into doubt. Henry took a second wife,
      Adeliza, in the hope of having another son, but their
      marriage was childless. In response to this, Henry declared
      his daughter, Matilda, his heir and married her to Geoffrey of
      Anjou. The relationship between Henry and the couple
      became strained, and fighting broke out along the border
      with Anjou. Henry died on 1 December 1135 after a week of
      illness. Despite his plans for Matilda, the King was
      succeeded by his nephew, Stephen of Blois, resulting in a
      period of civil war known as the Anarchy.
      Contents
      1 Early life, 1068–1099
      1.1 Childhood and appearance, 1068–86
      1.2 Inheritance, 1087–88
      1.3 Count of the Cotentin, 1088–90
      1.4 Fall and rise, 1091–99
      2 Early reign, 1100–06
      2.1 Taking the throne, 1100
      2.2 Marriage to Matilda, 1100
      2.3 Treaty of Alton, 1101–02
      2.4 Conquest of Normandy, 1103–06
      3 Government, family and household
      3.1 Government, law and court
      3.2 Relations with the church
      4 Later reign, 1107–35
      4.1 Continental and Welsh politics, 1108–14
      4.2 Rebellion, 1115–20
      4.3 Succession crisis, 1120–23
      4.4 Planning the succession, 1124–34
      5 Death and legacy
      5.1 Death, 1135
      5.2 Historiography
      6 Family and children
      6.1 Legitimate
      6.2 Illegitimate
      7 Ancestors
      8 Notes
      9 References
      10 Bibliography
      Early life, 1068–1099
      Childhood and appearance, 1068–86
      Henry was probably born in England in 1068, in either the summer or the last weeks of the year, possibly in the
      town of Selby in Yorkshire.[1][nb 1] His father was William the Conqueror, the Duke of Normandy, who had
      invaded England in 1066 to become the King of England, establishing lands stretching into Wales. The invasion
      had created an Anglo-Norman elite, many with estates spread across both sides of the English Channel.[2]
      13th-century depiction of Henry
      These Anglo-Norman barons typically had close links to the kingdom of France, which was then a loose
      collection of counties and smaller polities, under only the minimal control of the king.[3] Henry's mother,
      Matilda of Flanders, was the granddaughter of Robert II of France, and she probably named Henry after her
      uncle, King Henry I of France.[4]
      Henry was the youngest of William and Matilda's four sons. Physically he resembled his older brothers Robert
      Curthose, Richard and William Rufus, being, as historian David Carpenter describes, "short, stocky and barrelchested,"
      with black hair.[5] As a result of their age differences and Richard's early death, Henry would have
      probably seen relatively little of his older brothers.[6] He probably knew his sister, Adela, well, as the two were
      close in age.[7] There is little documentary evidence for his early years; historians Warren Hollister and
      Kathleen Thompson suggest he was brought up predominantly in England, while Judith Green argues he was
      initially brought up in the Duchy.[8][nb 2] He was probably educated by the Church, possibly by Bishop
      Osmund, the King's chancellor, at Salisbury Cathedral; it is uncertain if this indicated an intent by his parents
      for Henry to become a member of the clergy.[10][nb 3] It is also uncertain how far Henry's education extended,
      but he was probably able to read Latin and had some background in the liberal arts.[11] He was given military
      training by an instructor called Robert Achard, and Henry was knighted by his father on 24 May 1086.[12]
      Inheritance, 1087–88
      In 1087, William was fatally injured during a campaign in the Vexin.[13]
      Henry joined his dying father near Rouen in September, where the King
      partitioned his possessions among his sons.[14] The rules of succession
      in western Europe at the time were uncertain; in some parts of France,
      primogeniture, in which the eldest son would inherit a title, was
      growing in popularity.[15] In other parts of Europe, including Normandy
      and England, the tradition was for lands to be divided up, with the eldest
      son taking patrimonial lands – usually considered to be the most
      valuable – and younger sons given smaller, or more recently acquired,
      partitions or estates.[15]
      In dividing his lands, William appears to have followed the Norman
      tradition, distinguishing between Normandy, which he had inherited,
      and England, which he had acquired through war.[16] William's second
      son, Richard, had died in a hunting accident, leaving Henry and his two brothers to inherit William's estate.
      Robert, the eldest, despite being in armed rebellion against his father at the time of his death, received
      Normandy.[17] England was given to William Rufus, who was in favour with the dying king.[17] Henry was
      given a large sum of money, usually reported as £5,000, with the expectation that he would also be given his
      mother's modest set of lands in Buckinghamshire and Gloucestershire.[18][nb 4] William's funeral at Caen was
      marred by angry complaints from a local man, and Henry may have been responsible for resolving the dispute
      by buying off the protester with silver.[20]
      Robert returned to Normandy, expecting to have been given both the Duchy and England, to find that William
      Rufus had crossed the Channel and been crowned king, as William II.[21] The two brothers disagreed
      fundamentally over the inheritance, and Robert soon began to plan an invasion of England to seize the
      kingdom, helped by a rebellion by some of the leading nobles against William Rufus.[22] Henry remained in
      Normandy and took up a role within Robert's court, possibly either because he was unwilling to openly side
      with William Rufus, or because Robert might have taken the opportunity to confiscate Henry's inherited money
      if he had tried to leave.[21][nb 5] William Rufus sequestered Henry's new estates in England, leaving Henry
      landless.[24]
      Depiction of Bishop Odo (centre) who
      imprisoned Henry from 1088–89
      In 1088, Robert's plans for the invasion of England began to falter, and he turned to Henry, proposing that his
      brother lend him some of his inheritance, which Henry refused.[25] Henry and Robert then came to an
      alternative arrangement, in which Robert would make Henry the count of western Normandy, in exchange for
      £3,000.[25][nb 6] Henry's lands were a new countship based around a delegation of the ducal authority in the
      Cotentin, but it extended across the Avranchin, with control over the bishoprics of both.[27] This also gave
      Henry influence over two major Norman leaders, Hugh d'Avranches and Richard de Redvers, and the abbey of
      Mont Saint-Michel, whose lands spread out further across the Duchy.[28] Robert's invasion force failed to leave
      Normandy, leaving William Rufus secure in England.[29]
      Count of the Cotentin, 1088–90
      Henry quickly established himself as count, building up a network of
      followers from western Normandy and eastern Brittany, whom historian
      John Le Patourel has characterised as "Henry's gang".[30] His early
      supporters included Roger of Mandeville, Richard of Redvers, Richard
      d'Avranches and Robert Fitzhamon, along with the churchman Roger of
      Salisbury.[31] Robert attempted to go back on his deal with Henry and
      re-appropriate the county, but Henry's grip was already sufficiently firm
      to prevent this.[32] Robert's rule of the Duchy was chaotic, and parts of
      Henry's lands became almost independent of central control from
      Rouen.[33]
      During this period, neither William nor Robert seems to have trusted
      Henry.[34] Waiting until the rebellion against William Rufus was safely over, Henry returned to England in July
      1088.[35] He met with the King but was unable to persuade him to grant him their mother's estates, and
      travelled back to Normandy in the autumn.[36] While he had been away, however, Odo, the Bishop of Bayeux,
      who regarded Henry as a potential competitor, had convinced Robert that Henry was conspiring against the
      duke with William Rufus.[37] On landing, Odo seized Henry and imprisoned him in Neuilly-la-Forêt, and
      Robert took back the county of the Cotentin.[38] Henry was held there over the winter, but in the spring of 1089
      the senior elements of the Normandy nobility prevailed upon Robert to release him.[39]
      Although no longer formally the Count of Cotentin, Henry continued to control the west of Normandy.[40] The
      struggle between Henry's brothers continued. William Rufus continued to put down resistance to his rule in
      England, but began to build a number of alliances against Robert with barons in Normandy and neighbouring
      Ponthieu.[41] Robert allied himself with Philip I of France.[42] In late 1090 William Rufus encouraged Conan
      Pilatus, a powerful burgher in Rouen, to rebel against Robert; Conan was supported by most of Rouen and
      made appeals to the neighbouring ducal garrisons to switch allegiance as well.[43]
      Robert issued an appeal for help to his barons, and Henry was the first to arrive in Rouen in November.[44]
      Violence broke out, leading to savage, confused street fighting as both sides attempted to take control of the
      city.[44] Robert and Henry left the castle to join the battle, but Robert then retreated, leaving Henry to continue
      the fighting.[45] The battle turned in favour of the ducal forces and Henry took Conan prisoner.[45] Henry was
      angry that Conan had turned against his feudal lord. He had him taken to the top of Rouen Castle and then,
      despite Conan's offers to pay a huge ransom, threw him off the top of the castle to his death.[46] Contemporaries
      considered Henry to have acted appropriately in making an example of Conan, and Henry became famous for
      his exploits in the battle.[47]
      Fall and rise, 1091–99
      Mont Saint-Michel, site of the 1091
      siege
      In the aftermath, Robert forced Henry to leave Rouen, probably because
      Henry's role in the fighting had been more prominent than his own, and
      possibly because Henry had asked to be formally reinstated as the count
      of the Cotentin.[48] In early 1091, William Rufus invaded Normandy
      with a sufficiently large army to bring Robert to the negotiating
      table.[49] The two brothers signed a treaty at Rouen, granting William
      Rufus a range of lands and castles in Normandy. In return, William
      Rufus promised to support Robert's attempts to regain control of the
      neighbouring county of Maine, once under Norman control, and help in
      regaining control over the Duchy, including Henry's lands.[49] They
      nominated each other as heirs to England and Normandy, excluding
      Henry from any succession while either one of them lived.[50]
      War now broke out between Henry and his brothers.[51] Henry mobilised a mercenary army in the west of
      Normandy, but as William Rufus and Robert's forces advanced, his network of baronial support melted
      away.[52] Henry focused his remaining forces at Mont Saint-Michel, where he was besieged, probably in March
      1091.[53] The site was easy to defend, but lacked fresh water.[54] The chronicler William of Malmesbury
      suggested that when Henry's water ran short, Robert allowed his brother fresh supplies, leading to
      remonstrations between Robert and William Rufus.[55] The events of the final days of the siege are unclear: the
      besiegers had begun to argue about the future strategy for the campaign, but Henry then abandoned Mont Saint-
      Michel, probably as part of a negotiated surrender.[56][nb 7] He left for Brittany and crossed over into France.[57]
      Henry's next steps are not well documented; one chronicler, Orderic Vitalis, suggests that he travelled in the
      French Vexin, along the Normandy border, for over a year with a small band of followers.[58] By the end of the
      year, Robert and William Rufus had fallen out once again, and the Treaty of Rouen had been abandoned.[59] In
      1092, Henry and his followers seized the Normandy town of Domfront.[60] Domfront had previously been
      controlled by Robert of Bellême, but the inhabitants disliked his rule and invited Henry to take over the town,
      which he did in a bloodless coup.[61] Over the next two years, Henry re-established his network of supporters
      across western Normandy, forming what Judith Green terms a "court in waiting".[62] By 1094, he was
      allocating lands and castles to his followers as if he were the Duke of Normandy.[63] William Rufus began to
      support Henry with money, encouraging his campaign against Robert, and Henry used some of this to construct
      a substantial castle at Domfront.[64]
      William Rufus crossed into Normandy to take the war to Robert in 1094, and when progress stalled, called
      upon Henry for assistance.[65] Henry responded, but travelled to London instead of joining the main campaign
      further east in Normandy, possibly at the request of the King, who in any event abandoned the campaign and
      returned to England.[66][nb 8] Over the next few years, Henry appears to have strengthened his power base in
      western Normandy, visiting England occasionally to attend at William Rufus's court.[68] In 1095 Pope Urban II
      called the First Crusade, encouraging knights from across Europe to join.[67] Robert joined the Crusade,
      borrowing money from William Rufus to do so, and granting the King temporary custody of his part of the
      Duchy in exchange.[69] The King appeared confident of regaining the remainder of Normandy from Robert,
      and Henry appeared ever closer to William Rufus, the pair campaigning together in the Norman Vexin between
      1097 and 1098.[70]
      Early reign, 1100–06
      Taking the throne, 1100
      A 17th-century manuscript
      drawing of Henry's
      coronation.
      Henry became King of England following the death of William Rufus, who had
      been shot while hunting.[71] On the afternoon of 2 August 1100, the King had
      gone hunting in the New Forest, accompanied by a team of huntsmen and a
      number of the Norman nobility, including Henry.[72] An arrow was fired,
      possibly by the baron Walter Tirel, which hit and killed William Rufus.[73]
      Numerous conspiracy theories have been put forward suggesting that the King
      was killed deliberately; most modern historians reject these, as hunting was a
      risky activity, and such accidents were common.[74][nb 9] Chaos broke out, and
      Tirel fled the scene for France, either because he had fired the fatal shot, or
      because he had been incorrectly accused and feared that he would be made a
      scapegoat for the King's death.[73]
      Henry rode to Winchester, where an argument ensued as to who now had the
      best claim to the throne.[76] William of Breteuil championed the rights of
      Robert, who was still abroad, returning from the Crusade, and to whom Henry
      and the barons had given homage in previous years.[77] Henry argued that,
      unlike Robert, he had been born to a reigning king and queen, thereby giving him a claim under the right of
      porphyrogeniture.[78] Tempers flared, but Henry, supported by Henry de Beaumont and Robert of Meulan, held
      sway and persuaded the barons to follow him.[79] He occupied Winchester Castle and seized the royal
      treasury.[80]
      Henry was hastily crowned king in Westminster Abbey on 5 August by Maurice, the Bishop of London, as
      Anselm, the Archbishop of Canterbury, had been exiled by William Rufus, and Thomas, the Archbishop of
      York, was in the north of England at Ripon.[81] In accordance with English tradition and in a bid to legitimise
      his rule, Henry issued a coronation charter laying out various commitments.[82] The new king presented
      himself as having restored order to a trouble-torn country.[83] He announced that he would abandon William
      Rufus's policies towards the Church, which had been seen as oppressive by the clergy; he promised to prevent
      royal abuses of the barons' property rights, and assured a return to the gentler customs of Edward the
      Confessor; he asserted that he would "establish a firm peace" across England and ordered "that this peace shall
      henceforth be kept".[84]
      In addition to his existing circle of supporters, many of whom were richly rewarded with new lands, Henry
      quickly co-opted many of the existing administration into his new royal household.[85] William Giffard,
      William Rufus's chancellor, was made the Bishop of Winchester, and the prominent sheriffs Urse d'Abetot,
      Haimo Dapifer and Robert Fitzhamon continued to play a senior role in government.[85] By contrast, the
      unpopular Ranulf Flambard, the Bishop of Durham and a key member of the previous regime, was imprisoned
      in the Tower of London and charged with corruption.[86] The late king had left many church positions unfilled,
      and Henry set about nominating candidates to these, in an effort to build further support for his new
      government.[87] The appointments needed to be consecrated, and Henry wrote to Anselm, apologising for
      having been crowned while the Archbishop was still in France and asking him to return at once.[88]
      Marriage to Matilda, 1100
      On 11 November 1100 Henry married Matilda, the daughter of Malcolm III of Scotland.[89] Henry was now
      around 31 years old, but late marriages for noblemen were not unusual in the 11th century.[90] The pair had
      probably first met earlier the previous decade, possibly being introduced through Bishop Osmund of
      Salisbury.[91] Historian Warren Hollister argues that Henry and Matilda were emotionally close, but their union
      was also certainly politically motivated.[92][nb 10] Matilda had originally been named Edith, an Anglo-Saxon
      name, and was a member of the West Saxon royal family, being the niece of Edgar the Ætheling, the greatHenry's
      first wife, Matilda of Scotland
      Early 14th-century depiction of Henry
      granddaughter of Edmund Ironside and a descendant of Alfred the
      Great.[94] For Henry, marrying Matilda gave his reign increased
      legitimacy, and for Matilda, an ambitious woman, it was an opportunity
      for high status and power in England.[95]
      Matilda had been educated in a sequence of convents, however, and
      may well have taken the vows to formally become a nun, which formed
      an obstacle to the marriage progressing.[96] She did not wish to be a nun
      and appealed to Anselm for permission to marry Henry, and the
      Archbishop established a council at Lambeth Palace to judge the
      issue.[96] Despite some dissenting voices, the council concluded that
      although Matilda had lived in a convent, she had not actually become a
      nun and was therefore free to marry, a judgement that Anselm then
      affirmed, allowing the marriage to proceed.[96][nb 11] Matilda proved an
      effective queen for Henry, acting as a regent in England on occasion, addressing and presiding over councils,
      and extensively supporting the arts.[98] The couple soon had two children, Matilda, born in 1102, and William
      Adelin, born in 1103; it is possible that they also had a second son, Richard, who died young.[99][nb 12]
      Following the birth of these children, Matilda preferred to remain based in Westminster while Henry travelled
      across England and Normandy, either for religious reasons or because she enjoyed being involved in the
      machinery of royal governance.[101]
      Henry had a considerable sexual appetite and enjoyed a substantial number of sexual partners, resulting in a
      large number of illegitimate children, at least nine sons and 13 daughters, many of whom he appears to have
      recognised and supported.[102] It was normal for unmarried Anglo-Norman noblemen to have sexual relations
      with prostitutes and local women, and kings were also expected to have mistresses.[103][nb 13] Some of these
      relationships occurred before Henry was married, but many others took place after his marriage to Matilda.[104]
      Henry had a wide range of mistresses from a range of backgrounds, and the relationships appear to have been
      conducted relatively openly.[101] He may have chosen some of his noble mistresses for political purposes, but
      the evidence to support this theory is limited.[105]
      Treaty of Alton, 1101–02
      By early 1101, Henry's new regime was established and functioning, but
      many of the Anglo-Norman elite still supported Robert, or would be
      prepared to switch sides if Henry's elder brother appeared likely to gain
      power in England.[106] In February, Flambard escaped from the Tower
      of London and crossed the Channel to Normandy, where he injected
      fresh direction and energy to Robert's attempts to mobilise an invasion
      force.[107] By July, Robert had formed an army and a fleet, ready to
      move against Henry in England.[108] Raising the stakes in the conflict,
      Henry seized Flambard's lands and, with the support of Anselm,
      Flambard was removed from his position as bishop.[109] Henry held
      court in April and June, where the nobility renewed their oaths of
      allegiance to him, but their support still appeared partial and shaky.[110]
      With the invasion imminent, Henry mobilised his forces and fleet
      outside Pevensey, close to Robert's anticipated landing site, training
      some of them personally in how to counter cavalry charges.[111] Despite
      English levies and knights owing military service to the Church arriving in considerable numbers, many of his
      barons did not appear.[112] Anselm intervened with some of the doubters, emphasising the religious importance
      The village of Tinchebray in 2008
      of their loyalty to Henry.[113] Robert unexpectedly landed further up the coast at Portsmouth on 20 July with a
      modest force of a few hundred men, but these were quickly joined by many of the barons in England.[114]
      However, instead of marching into nearby Winchester and seizing Henry's treasury, Robert paused, giving
      Henry time to march west and intercept the invasion force.[115]
      The two armies met at Alton where peace negotiations began, possibly initiated by either Henry or Robert, and
      probably supported by Flambard.[115] The brothers then agreed to the Treaty of Alton, under which Robert
      released Henry from his oath of homage and recognised him as king; Henry renounced his claims on western
      Normandy, except for Domfront, and agreed to pay Robert £2,000 a year for life; if either brother died without
      a male heir, the other would inherit his lands; the barons whose lands had been seized by either the King or the
      Duke for supporting his rival would have them returned, and Flambard would be reinstated as bishop; the two
      brothers would campaign together to defend their territories in Normandy.[116][nb 14] Robert remained in
      England for a few months more with Henry before returning to Normandy.[118]
      Despite the treaty, Henry set about inflicting severe penalties on the barons who had stood against him during
      the invasion.[119] William de Warenne, the Earl of Surrey, was accused of fresh crimes, which were not covered
      by the Alton amnesty, and was banished from England.[120] In 1102 Henry then turned against Robert of
      Bellême and his brothers, the most powerful of the barons, accusing him of 45 different offences.[121] Robert
      escaped and took up arms against Henry.[122] Henry besieged Robert's castles at Arundel, Tickhill and
      Shrewsbury, pushing down into the south-west to attack Bridgnorth.[123] His power base in England broken,
      Robert accepted Henry's offer of banishment and left the country for Normandy.[124]
      Conquest of Normandy, 1103–06
      Henry's network of allies in Normandy became stronger during
      1103.[125] Henry married Juliana, one of his illegitimate daughters, to
      Eustace of Breteuil, and another illegitimate daughter, Matilda, to
      Rotrou, the Count of Perche, on the Normandy border.[126] Henry
      attempted to win over other members of the Normandy nobility and
      gave other English estates and lucrative offers to key Norman lords.[127]
      Duke Robert continued to fight Robert of Bellême, but the Duke's
      position worsened, until by 1104, he had to ally himself formally with
      Bellême to survive.[128] Arguing that Duke Robert had broken the terms
      of their treaty, Henry crossed over the Channel to Domfront, where he
      met with senior barons from across Normandy, eager to ally themselves with the King.[129] Henry confronted
      his brother and accused him of siding with his enemies, before returning to England.[130]
      Normandy continued to disintegrate into chaos.[131] In 1105, Henry sent his friend Robert Fitzhamon and a
      force of knights into the Duchy, apparently to provoke a confrontation with Duke Robert.[132] Fitzhamon was
      captured, and Henry used this as an excuse to invade, promising to restore peace and order.[131] Henry had the
      support of most of the neighbouring counts around Normandy's borders, and King Philip of France was
      persuaded to remain neutral.[133] Henry occupied western Normandy, and advanced east on Bayeux, where
      Fitzhamon was held.[134] The city refused to surrender, and Henry besieged it, burning it to the ground.[134]
      Terrified of meeting the same fate, the town of Caen switched sides and surrendered, allowing Henry to
      advance on Falaise, which he took with some casualties.[135] Henry's campaign stalled, and the King instead
      began peace discussions with Robert.[136] The negotiations were inconclusive and the fighting dragged on until
      Christmas, when Henry returned to England.[137]
      Henry's royal seal, showing the King on horseback (l) and seated on
      his throne (r)
      Henry invaded again in July 1106, hoping to provoke a decisive battle.[138] After some initial tactical successes,
      he turned south-west towards the castle of Tinchebray.[139] He besieged the castle and Duke Robert, supported
      by Robert of Bellême, advanced from Falaise to relieve it.[139] After attempts at negotiation failed, the Battle of
      Tinchebray took place, probably on 28 September.[140][nb 15] The battle lasted around an hour, and began with a
      charge by Duke Robert's cavalry; the infantry and dismounted knights of both sides then joined the battle.[142]
      Henry's reserves, led by Elias, the Count of Maine and Alan, the Duke of Brittany, attacked the enemy's flanks,
      routing first Bellême's troops and then the bulk of the ducal forces.[143] Duke Robert was taken prisoner, but
      Bellême escaped.[143]
      Henry mopped up the remaining resistance in Normandy, and Robert ordered his last garrisons to
      surrender.[144] Reaching Rouen, Henry reaffirmed the laws and customs of Normandy and took homage from
      the leading barons and citizens.[145] The lesser prisoners taken at Tinchebray were released, but Robert and
      several other leading nobles were imprisoned indefinitely.[146] Henry's nephew, Robert's son William Clito, was
      only three years old and was released to the care of Helias of Saint-Saens, a Norman baron.[147] Henry
      reconciled himself with Robert of Bellême, who gave up the ducal lands he had seized and rejoined the royal
      court.[148] Henry had no way of legally removing the Duchy from his brother Robert, and initially Henry
      avoided using the title "duke" at all, emphasising that, as the King of England, he was only acting as the
      guardian of the troubled Duchy.[149]
      Government, family and household
      Government, law and court
      Henry inherited the kingdom of England
      from William Rufus, giving him a claim of
      suzerainty over Wales and Scotland, and
      acquired the Duchy of Normandy, a
      complex entity with troubled borders.[150]
      The borders between England and Scotland
      were still uncertain during Henry's reign,
      with Anglo-Norman influence pushing
      northwards through Cumbria, but Henry's
      relationship with King David I of Scotland
      was generally good, partially due to Henry's
      marriage to his sister.[151] In Wales, Henry
      used his power to coerce and charm the
      indigenous Welsh princes, while Norman
      Marcher Lords pushed across the valleys of
      South Wales.[152] Normandy was controlled via various interlocking networks of ducal, ecclesiastical and
      family contacts, backed by a growing string of important ducal castles along the borders.[153] Alliances and
      relationships with neighbouring counties along the Norman border were particularly important to maintaining
      the stability of the Duchy.[154]
      Henry ruled through the various barons and lords in England and Normandy, whom he manipulated skilfully
      for political effect.[155] Political friendships, termed amicitia in Latin, were important during the 12th century,
      and Henry maintained a wide range of these, mediating between his friends in various factions across his realm
      when necessary, and rewarding those who were loyal to him.[156] Henry also had a reputation for punishing
      those barons who stood against him, and he maintained an effective network of informers and spies who
      reported to him on events.[157] Henry was a harsh, firm ruler, but not excessively so by the standards of the
      day.[158] Over time, he increased the degree of his control over the barons, removing his enemies and bolstering
      his friends until the "reconstructed baronage", as historian Warren Hollister describes it, was predominantly
      loyal and dependent on the King.[159]
      Henry's itinerant royal court comprised various parts.[160] At the heart was Henry's domestic household, called
      the domus; a wider grouping was termed the familia regis, and formal gatherings of the court were termed
      curia.[161] The domus was divided into several parts. The chapel, headed by the chancellor, looked after the
      royal documents, the chamber dealt with financial affairs and the master-marshal was responsible for travel and
      accommodation.[162] The familia regis included Henry's mounted household troops, up to several hundred
      strong, who came from a wider range of social backgrounds, and could be deployed across England and
      Normandy as required.[163] Initially Henry continued his father's practice of regular crown-wearing ceremonies
      at his curia, but they became less frequent as the years passed.[164] Henry's court was grand and ostentatious,
      financing the construction of large new buildings and castles with a range of precious gifts on display, including
      the King's private menagerie of exotic animals, which he kept at Woodstock Palace.[165] Despite being a lively
      community, Henry's court was more tightly controlled than those of previous kings.[166] Strict rules controlled
      personal behaviour and prohibited members of the court from pillaging neighbouring villages, as had been the
      norm under William Rufus.[166]
      Henry was responsible for a substantial expansion of the royal justice system.[167][nb 16] In England, Henry
      drew on the existing Anglo-Saxon system of justice, local government and taxes, but strengthened it with
      additional central governmental institutions.[169] Roger of Salisbury began to develop the royal exchequer after
      1110, using it to collect and audit revenues from the King's sheriffs in the shires.[170] Itinerant justices began to
      emerge under Henry, travelling around the country managing eyre courts, and many more laws were formally
      recorded.[171] Henry gathered increasing revenue from the expansion of royal justice, both from fines and from
      fees.[172] The first Pipe Roll that is known to have survived dates from 1130, recording royal expenditures.[173]
      Henry reformed the coinage in 1107, 1108 and in 1125, inflicting harsh corporal punishments to English
      coiners who had been found guilty of debasing the currency.[174][nb 17] In Normandy, Henry restored law and
      order after 1106, operating through a body of Norman justices and an exchequer system similar to that in
      England.[176] Norman institutions grew in scale and scope under Henry, although less quickly than in
      England.[177] Many of the officials that ran Henry's system were termed "new men", relatively low-born
      individuals who rose through the ranks as administrators, managing justice or the royal revenues.[178][nb 18]
      Relations with the chur ch
      Church and the King
      Henry's ability to govern was intimately bound up with the Church, which formed the key to the administration
      of both England and Normandy, and this relationship changed considerably over the course of his reign.[180]
      William the Conqueror had reformed the English Church with the support of his Archbishop of Canterbury,
      Lanfranc, who became a close colleague and advisor to the King.[181][nb 19] Under William Rufus this
      arrangement had collapsed, the King and Archbishop Anselm had become estranged and Anselm had gone into
      exile. Henry also believed in Church reform, but on taking power in England he became embroiled in the
      investiture controversy.[183]
      The argument concerned who should invest a new bishop with his staff and ring: traditionally, this had been
      carried out by the king in a symbolic demonstration of royal power, but Pope Urban II had condemned this
      practice in 1099, arguing that only the papacy could carry out this task, and declaring that the clergy should not
      give homage to their local temporal rulers.[184] Anselm returned to England from exile in 1100 having heard
      Urban's pronouncement, and informed Henry that he would be complying with the Pope's wishes.[185] Henry
      The seal of Archbishop Anselm of
      Canterbury
      was in a difficult position. On one hand, the symbolism and homage
      was important to him; on the other hand, he needed Anselm's support in
      his struggle with his brother Duke Robert.[186]
      Anselm stuck firmly to the letter of the papal decree, despite Henry's
      attempts to persuade him to give way in return for a vague assurance of
      a future royal compromise.[187] Matters escalated, with Anselm going
      back into exile and Henry confiscating the revenues of his estates.
      Anselm threatened excommunication, and in July 1105 the two men
      finally negotiated a solution.[188] A distinction was drawn between the
      secular and ecclesiastical powers of the prelates, under which Henry
      gave up his right to invest his clergy, but retained the custom of
      requiring them to come and do homage for the temporalities, the landed
      properties they held in England.[189] Despite this argument, the pair
      worked closely together, combining to deal with Duke Robert's invasion
      of 1101, for example, and holding major reforming councils in 1102 and
      1108.[190]
      A long-running dispute between the Archbishops of Canterbury and York flared up under Anselm's successor,
      Ralph d'Escures.[191] Canterbury, traditionally the senior of the two establishments, had long argued that the
      Archbishop of York should formally promise to obey their Archbishop, but York argued that the two
      episcopates were independent within the English Church and that no such promise was necessary. Henry
      supported the primacy of Canterbury, to ensure that England remained under a single ecclesiastical
      administration, but the Pope preferred the case of York.[191] The matter was complicated by Henry's personal
      friendship with Thurstan, the Archbishop of York, and the King's desire that the case should not end up in a
      papal court, beyond royal control.[191] Henry badly needed the support of the Papacy in his struggle with Louis
      of France, however, and therefore allowed Thurstan to attend the Council of Rheims in 1119, where Thurstan
      was then consecrated by the Pope with no mention of any duty towards Canterbury.[192] Henry believed that
      this went against assurances Thurstan had previously made and exiled him from England until the King and
      Archbishop came to a negotiated solution the following year.[193]
      Even after the investiture dispute, the King continued to play a major role in the selection of new English and
      Norman bishops and archbishops.[194] Henry appointed many of his officials to bishoprics and, as historian
      Martin Brett suggests, "some of his officers could look forward to a mitre with all but absolute
      confidence".[195] Henry's chancellors, and those of his queens, became bishops of Durham, Hereford, London,
      Lincoln, Winchester and Salisbury.[196] Henry increasingly drew on a wider range of these bishops as advisors
      – particularly Roger of Salisbury – breaking with the earlier tradition of relying primarily on the Archbishop of
      Canterbury.[197] The result was a cohesive body of administrators through which Henry could exercise careful
      influence, holding general councils to discuss key matters of policy.[198] This stability shifted slightly after
      1125, when Henry began to inject a wider range of candidates into the senior positions of the Church, often
      with more reformist views, and the impact of this generation would be felt in the years after Henry's death.[199]
      Personal beliefs and piety
      Like other rulers of the period, Henry donated to the Church and patronised various religious communities, but
      contemporary chroniclers did not consider him an unusually pious king.[200] His personal beliefs and piety
      may, however, have developed during the course of his life. Henry had always taken an interest in religion, but
      in his later years he may have become much more concerned about spiritual affairs.[201] If so, the major shifts
      in his thinking would appear to have occurred after 1120, when his son William Adelin died, and 1129, when
      his daughter's marriage teetered on the verge of collapse.[202][nb 20]
      The ruined chapter house of Reading
      Abbey in 2008
      Denier coin of Henry's rival, Louis VI
      of France
      As a proponent of religious reform, Henry gave extensively to reformist
      groups within the Church.[204] He was a keen supporter of the Cluniac
      order, probably for intellectual reasons.[205] He donated money to the
      abbey at Cluny itself, and after 1120 gave generously to Reading
      Abbey, a Cluniac establishment.[205] Construction on Reading began in
      1121, and Henry endowed it with rich lands and extensive privileges,
      making it a symbol of his dynastic lines.[206] He also focused effort on
      promoting the conversion of communities of clerks into Augustinian
      canons, the foundation of leper hospitals, expanding the provision of
      nunneries, and the charismatic orders of the Savigniacs and
      Tironensians.[207] He was an avid collector of relics, sending an
      embassy to Constantinople in 1118 to collect Byzantine items, some of which were donated to Reading
      Abbey.[208]
      Later reign, 1107–35
      Continental and Welsh politics, 1108–14
      Normandy faced an increased threat from France, Anjou and Flanders after 1108.[209] Louis VI succeeded to
      the French throne in 1108 and began to reassert central royal power.[209] Louis demanded Henry give homage
      to him and that two disputed castles along the Normandy border be placed into the control of neutral
      castellans.[210] Henry refused, and Louis responded by mobilising an army.[211] After some arguments, the two
      kings negotiated a truce and retreated without fighting, leaving the underlying issues unresolved.[211][nb 21]
      Fulk V assumed power in Anjou in 1109 and began to rebuild Angevin authority.[213] Fulk also inherited the
      county of Maine, but refused to recognise Henry as his feudal lord and instead allied himself with Louis.[214]
      Robert II of Flanders also briefly joined the alliance, before his death in 1111.[215]
      In 1108, Henry betrothed his eight-year-old daughter, Matilda, to Henry
      V, the future Holy Roman Emperor.[216] For King Henry, this was a
      prestigious match; for Henry V, it was an opportunity to restore his
      financial situation and fund an expedition to Italy, as he received a
      dowry of £6,666 from England and Normandy.[217][nb 22] Raising this
      money proved challenging, and required the implementation of a special
      "aid", or tax, in England.[219] Matilda was crowned Henry V's queen in
      1110.[220]
      Henry responded to the French and Angevin threat by expanding his
      own network of supporters beyond the Norman borders.[221] Some
      Norman barons deemed unreliable were arrested or dispossessed, and
      Henry used their forfeited estates to bribe his potential allies in the
      neighbouring territories, in particular Maine.[222] Around 1110, Henry
      attempted to arrest the young William Clito, but William's mentors
      moved him to the safety of Flanders before he could be taken.[223] At about this time, Henry probably began to
      style himself as the Duke of Normandy.[224][nb 23] Robert of Bellême turned against Henry once again, and
      when he appeared at Henry's court in 1112 in a new role as a French ambassador, he was arrested and
      imprisoned.[226]
      Rebellions broke out in France and Anjou between 1111 and 1113, and Henry crossed into Normandy to
      support his nephew, Count Theobald of Blois, who had sided against Louis in the uprising.[227] In a bid to
      diplomatically isolate the French King, Henry betrothed his young son, William Adelin, to Fulk's daughter
      Silver pennies of Henry I, struck at
      the Oxford mint
      Matilda, and married his illegitimate daughter Matilda to Conan III, the Duke of Brittany, creating alliances
      with Anjou and Brittany respectively.[228] Louis backed down and in March 1113 met with Henry near Gisors
      to agree a peace settlement, giving Henry the disputed fortresses and confirming Henry's overlordship of
      Maine, Bellême and Brittany.[229]
      Meanwhile, the situation in Wales was deteriorating. Henry had conducted a campaign in South Wales in 1108,
      pushing out royal power in the region and colonising the area around Pembroke with Flemings.[230] By 1114,
      some of the resident Norman lords were under attack, while in Mid-Wales, Owain ap Cadwgan blinded one of
      the political hostages he was holding, and in North Wales Gruffudd ap Cynan threatened the power of the Earl
      of Chester.[231] Henry sent three armies into Wales that year, with Gilbert Fitz Richard leading a force from the
      south, Alexander, King of Scotland, pressing from the north and Henry himself advancing into Mid-Wales.[231]
      Owain and Gruffudd sued for peace, and Henry accepted a political compromise.[232] Henry reinforced the
      Welsh Marches with his own appointees, strengthening the border territories.[233]
      Rebellion, 1115–20
      Concerned about the succession, Henry sought to persuade Louis VI to
      accept his son, William Adelin, as the legitimate future Duke of
      Normandy, in exchange for his son's homage.[234] Henry crossed into
      Normandy in 1115 and assembled the Norman barons to swear loyalty;
      he also almost successfully negotiated a settlement with King Louis,
      affirming William's right to the Duchy in exchange for a large sum of
      money, but the deal fell through and Louis, backed by his ally Baldwin
      of Flanders, instead declared that he considered William Clito the
      legitimate heir to the Duchy.[235]
      War broke out after Henry returned to Normandy with an army to
      support Theobald of Blois, who was under attack from Louis.[236]
      Henry and Louis raided each other's towns along the border, and a wider conflict then broke out, probably in
      1116.[236][nb 24] Henry was pushed onto the defensive as French, Flemish and Angevin forces began to pillage
      the Normandy countryside.[238] Amaury III of Montfort and many other barons rose up against Henry, and
      there was an assassination plot from within his own household.[238] Henry's wife, Matilda, died in early 1118,
      but the situation in Normandy was sufficiently pressing that Henry was unable to return to England for her
      funeral.[239]
      Henry responded by mounting campaigns against the rebel barons and deepening his alliance with
      Theobald.[240] Baldwin of Flanders was wounded in battle and died in September 1118, easing the pressure on
      Normandy from the north-east.[241] Henry attempted to crush a revolt in the city of Alençon, but was defeated
      by Fulk and the Angevin army.[242] Forced to retreat from Alençon, Henry's position deteriorated alarmingly, as
      his resources became overstretched and more barons abandoned his cause.[243] Early in 1119, Eustace of
      Breteuil and Henry's daughter, Juliana, threatened to join the baronial revolt.[244] Hostages were exchanged in a
      bid to avoid conflict, but relations broke down and both sides mutilated their captives.[245] Henry attacked and
      took the town of Breteuil, despite Juliana's attempt to kill her father with a crossbow.[245][nb 25] In the
      aftermath, Henry dispossessed the couple of almost all of their lands in Normandy.[247]
      Henry's situation improved in May 1119 when he enticed Fulk to switch sides by finally agreeing to marry
      William Adelin to Fulk's daughter, Matilda, and paying Fulk a large sum of money.[248] Fulk left for the
      Levant, leaving the County of Maine in Henry's care, and the King was free to focus on crushing his remaining
      enemies.[249] During the summer Henry advanced into the Norman Vexin, where he encountered Louis's army,
      resulting in the Battle of Brémule.[250] Henry appears to have deployed scouts and then organised his troops
      Early 14th-century depiction of the
      sinking of the White Ship on 25
      November 1120
      into several carefully formed lines of dismounted knights.[251] Unlike Henry's forces, the French knights
      remained mounted; they hastily charged the Anglo-Norman positions, breaking through the first rank of the
      defences but then becoming entangled in Henry's second line of knights.[252] Surrounded, the French army
      began to collapse.[251] In the melee, Henry was hit by a sword blow, but his armour protected him.[253] Louis
      and William Clito escaped from the battle, leaving Henry to return to Rouen in triumph.[254]
      The war slowly petered out after this battle, and Louis took the dispute over Normandy to Pope Callixtus II's
      council in Reims that October.[255] Henry faced a number of French complaints concerning his acquisition and
      subsequent management of Normandy, and despite being defended by Geoffrey, the Archbishop of Rouen,
      Henry's case was shouted down by the pro-French elements of the council.[256] Callixtus declined to support
      Louis, however, and merely advised the two rulers to seek peace.[257] Amaury de Montfort came to terms with
      Henry, but Henry and William Clito failed to find a mutually satisfactory compromise.[258] In June 1120, Henry
      and Louis formally made peace on terms advantageous to the English King: William Adelin gave homage to
      Louis, and in return Louis confirmed William's rights to the Duchy.[259]
      Succession crisis, 1120–23
      Henry's succession plans were thrown into chaos by the sinking of the
      White Ship on 25 November 1120.[260] Henry had left the port of
      Barfleur for England in the early evening, leaving William Adelin and
      many of the younger members of the court to follow on that night in a
      separate vessel, the White Ship.[261] Both the crew and passengers were
      drunk and, just outside the harbour, the ship hit a submerged
      rock.[262][nb 26] The ship sank, killing as many as 300 people, with only
      one survivor, a butcher from Rouen.[262] Henry's court was initially too
      scared to report William's death to the King. When he was finally told,
      he collapsed with grief.[264]
      The disaster left Henry with no legitimate son, his various nephews now
      the closest male heirs.[265] Henry announced he would take a new wife,
      Adeliza of Louvain, opening up the prospect of a new royal son, and the
      two were married at Windsor Castle in January 1121.[266][nb 27] Henry
      appears to have chosen her because she was attractive and came from a
      prestigious noble line. Adela seems to have been fond of Henry and
      joined him in his travels, probably to maximise the chances of her
      conceiving a child.[268] The White Ship disaster initiated fresh conflict in Wales, where the drowning of
      Richard, Earl of Chester, encouraged a rebellion led by Maredudd ap Bleddyn.[269] Henry intervened in North
      Wales that summer with an army and, although the King was hit by a Welsh arrow, the campaign reaffirmed
      royal power across the region.[269]
      With William dead, Henry's alliance with Anjou – which had been based on his son marrying Fulk's daughter –
      began to disintegrate.[270] Fulk returned from the Levant and demanded that Henry return Matilda and her
      dowry, a range of estates and fortifications in Maine.[270] Matilda left for Anjou, but Henry argued that the
      dowry had in fact originally belonged to him before it came into the possession of Fulk, and so declined to hand
      the estates back to Anjou.[271] Fulk married his daughter Sibylla to William Clito, and granted them Maine.[272]
      Once again, conflict broke out, as Amaury de Montfort allied himself with Fulk and led a revolt along the
      Norman-Anjou border in 1123.[272] Amaury was joined by several other Norman barons, headed by Waleran de
      Beaumont, one of the sons of Henry's old ally, Robert of Meulan.[273][nb 28]
      Henry dispatched Robert of Gloucester and Ranulf le Meschin to Normandy and then intervened himself in late
      1123.[275] Henry began the process of besieging the rebel castles, before wintering in the Duchy.[276] In the
      spring, campaigning began again. Ranulf received intelligence that the rebels were returning to one of their
      bases at Vatteville, allowing him to ambush them en route at Rougemontiers; Waleran charged the royal forces,
      but his knights were cut down by Ranulf's archers and the rebels were quickly overwhelmed.[277] Waleran was
      captured, but Amaury escaped.[277] Henry mopped up the remainder of the rebellion, blinding some of the rebel
      leaders – considered, at the time, a more merciful punishment than execution – and recovering the last rebel
      castles.[278] Henry paid Pope Callixtus a large amount of money, in exchange for the Papacy annulling the
      marriage of William Clito and Sibylla on the grounds of consanguinity.[279][nb 29]
      Planning the succession, 1 124–34
      Henry and his new wife did not conceive any children, generating prurient speculation as to the possible
      explanation, and the future of the dynasty appeared at risk.[281][nb 30] Henry may have begun to look among his
      nephews for a possible heir. He may have considered Stephen of Blois as a possible option and, perhaps in
      preparation for this, he arranged a beneficial marriage for Stephen to a wealthy heiress, Matilda.[283] Theobald
      of Blois, his close ally, may have also felt that he was in favour with Henry.[284] William Clito, who was King
      Louis's preferred choice, remained opposed to Henry and was therefore unsuitable.[285] Henry may have also
      considered his own illegitimate son, Robert of Gloucester, as a possible candidate, but English tradition and
      custom would have looked unfavourably on this.[286]
      Henry's plans shifted when the Empress Matilda's husband, the Emperor Henry, died in 1125.[287] King Henry
      recalled his daughter to England the next year and declared that, should he die without a male heir, she was to
      be his rightful successor.[288] The Anglo-Norman barons were gathered together at Westminster on Christmas
      1126, where they swore to recognise Matilda and any future legitimate heir she might have.[288][nb 31] Putting
      forward a woman as a potential heir in this way was unusual: opposition to Matilda continued to exist within
      the English court, and Louis was vehemently opposed to her candidacy.[290]
      Fresh conflict broke out in 1127, when Charles, the childless Count of Flanders, was murdered, creating a local
      succession crisis.[291] Backed by King Louis, William Clito was chosen by the Flemings to become their new
      ruler.[292] This development potentially threatened Normandy, and Henry began to finance a proxy war in
      Flanders, promoting the claims of William's Flemish rivals.[293] In an effort to disrupt the French alliance with
      William, Henry mounted an attack into France in 1128, forcing Louis to cut his aid to William.[294] William
      died unexpectedly in July, removing the last major challenger to Henry's rule and bringing the war in Flanders
      to a halt.[295] Without William, the baronial opposition in Normandy lacked a leader. A fresh peace was made
      with France, and the King was finally able to release the remaining prisoners from the revolt of 1123, including
      Waleran of Meulan, who was rehabilitated into the royal court.[296]
      Meanwhile, Henry rebuilt his alliance with Fulk of Anjou, this time by marrying Matilda to Fulk's eldest son,
      Geoffrey.[297] The pair were betrothed in 1127 and married the following year.[298] It is unknown whether
      Henry intended Geoffrey to have any future claim on England or Normandy, and he was probably keeping his
      son-in-law's status deliberately uncertain. Similarly, although Matilda was granted a number of Normandy
      castles as part of her dowry, it was not specified when the couple would actually take possession of them.[299]
      Fulk left Anjou for Jerusalem in 1129, declaring Geoffrey the Count of Anjou and Maine.[300] The marriage
      proved difficult, as the couple did not particularly like each other and the disputed castles proved a point of
      contention, resulting in Matilda returning to Normandy later that year.[301] Henry appears to have blamed
      Geoffrey for the separation, but in 1131 the couple were reconciled.[302] Much to the pleasure and relief of
      Henry, Matilda then gave birth to a sequence of two sons, Henry and Geoffrey, in 1133 and 1134.[303]
      Early 14th-century depiction of Henry
      mourning the death of his son
      Death and legacy
      Death, 1135
      Relations between Henry, Matilda, and Geoffrey became increasingly
      strained during the King's final years. Matilda and Geoffrey suspected
      that they lacked genuine support in England. In 1135 they urged Henry
      to hand over the royal castles in Normandy to Matilda whilst he was
      still alive, and insisted that the Norman nobility swear immediate
      allegiance to her, thereby giving the couple a more powerful position
      after Henry's death.[304] Henry angrily declined to do so, probably out
      of concern that Geoffrey would try to seize power in Normandy.[305] A
      fresh rebellion broke out amongst the barons in southern Normandy, led
      by William, the Count of Ponthieu, whereupon Geoffrey and Matilda
      intervened in support of the rebels.[306]
      Henry campaigned throughout the autumn, strengthening the southern
      frontier, and then travelled to Lyons-la-Forêt in November to enjoy
      some hunting, still apparently healthy.[307] There Henry fell ill –
      according to the chronicler Henry of Huntingdon, he ate a number of
      lampreys against his physician's advice – and his condition worsened
      over the course of a week.[308] Once the condition appeared terminal, Henry gave confession and summoned
      Archbishop Hugh of Amiens, who was joined by Robert of Gloucester and other members of the court.[309] In
      accordance with custom, preparations were made to settle Henry's outstanding debts and to revoke outstanding
      sentences of forfeiture.[310] The King died on 1 December 1135, and his corpse was taken to Rouen
      accompanied by the barons, where it was embalmed; his entrails were buried locally at Port-du-Salut Abbey,
      and the preserved body was taken on to England, where it was interred at Reading Abbey.[311]
      Despite Henry's efforts, the succession was disputed. When news began to spread of the King's death, Geoffrey
      and Matilda were in Anjou supporting the rebels in their campaign against the royal army, which included a
      number of Matilda's supporters such as Robert of Gloucester.[15] Many of these barons had taken an oath to
      stay in Normandy until the late king was properly buried, which prevented them from returning to England.[312]
      The Norman nobility discussed declaring Theobald of Blois king.[313] Theobald's younger brother, Stephen of
      Blois, quickly crossed from Boulogne to England, however, accompanied by his military household.[314] With
      the help of his brother, Henry of Blois, he seized power in England and was crowned king on 22
      December.[315] The Empress Matilda did not give up her claim to England and Normandy, leading to the
      prolonged civil war known as the Anarchy between 1135 and 1153.[316]
      Historiography
      Historians have drawn on a range of sources on Henry, including the accounts of chroniclers; other
      documentary evidence, including early pipe rolls; and surviving buildings and architecture.[317] The three main
      chroniclers to describe the events of Henry's life were William of Malmesbury, Orderic Vitalis, and Henry of
      Huntingdon, but each incorporated extensive social and moral commentary into their accounts and borrowed a
      range of literary devices and stereotypical events from other popular works.[318] Other chroniclers include
      Eadmer, Hugh the Chanter, Abbot Suger, and the authors of the Welsh Brut.[319] Not all royal documents from
      the period have survived, but there are a number of royal acts, charters, writs, and letters, along with some early
      financial records.[320] Some of these have since been discovered to be forgeries, and others had been
      subsequently amended or tampered with.[321]
      Part of the Welsh Brut, one of the
      chronicler sources for Henry's reign
      Wikimedia Commons has
      media related to Henry I of
      England.
      Late medieval historians seized on the accounts of selected chroniclers
      regarding Henry's education and gave him the title of Henry
      "Beauclerc", a theme echoed in the analysis of Victorian and Edwardian
      historians such as Francis Palgrave and Henry Davis.[322] The historian
      Charles David dismissed this argument in 1929, showing the more
      extreme claims for Henry's education to be without foundation.[323]
      Modern histories of Henry commenced with Richard Southern's work in
      the early 1960s, followed by extensive research during the rest of the
      20th century into a wide number of themes from his reign in England,
      and a much more limited number of studies of his rule in
      Normandy.[324] Only two major, modern biographies of Henry have
      been produced, Warren Hollister's posthumous volume in 2001, and
      Judith Green's 2006 work.[325]
      Interpretation of Henry's personality by historians has altered over time. Earlier historians such as Austin Poole
      and Richard Southern considered Henry as a cruel, draconian ruler.[326] More recent historians, such as
      Hollister and Green, view his implementation of justice much more sympathetically, particularly when set
      against the standards of the day, but even Green has noted that Henry was "in many respects highly
      unpleasant", and Alan Cooper has observed that many contemporary chroniclers were probably too scared of
      the King to voice much criticism.[327] Historians have also debated the extent to which Henry's administrative
      reforms genuinely constituted an introduction of what Hollister and John Baldwin have termed systematic,
      "administrative kingship", or whether his outlook remained fundamentally traditional.[328]
      Henry's burial at Reading Abbey is marked by a local cross, but Reading Abbey was slowly demolished during
      the Dissolution of the Monasteries in the 16th century.[329] The exact location is uncertain, but the most likely
      location of the tomb itself is now in a built-up area of central Reading, on the site of the former abbey
      choir.[329] A plan to locate his remains was announced in March 2015, with support from English Heritage and
      Philippa Langley, who aided with the successful exhumation of Richard III.[330]
      Family and children
      Legitimate
      Henry and his first wife, Matilda, had at least two legitimate children:
      1. Matilda, born in 1102, died 1167.[89]
      2. William Adelin, born in 1103, died 1120.[89]
      3. Possibly Richard, who, if he existed, died young.[100]
      Henry and his second wife, Adeliza, had no children.
      Illegitimate
      Henry had a number of illegitimate children by various mistresses.[nb 32]
      Sons
      1. Robert of Gloucester, born in the 1090s.[332]
      2. Richard, born to Ansfride, brought up by Robert Bloet, the Bishop of Lincoln.[333]
      3. Reginald de Dunstanville, Earl of Cornwall, born in the 1110s or early 1120s, possibly to Sibyl
      Corbet.[334]
      4. Robert the King's son, born to Ede, daughter of Forne.[335]
      5. Gilbert FitzRoy, possibly born to an unnamed sister or daughter of Walter of Gand.[336]
      6. William de Tracy, possibly born in the 1090s.[336]
      7. Henry the King's son, possibly born to Nest ferch Rhys.[335][nb 33]
      8. Fulk the King's son, possibly born to Ansfride.[335]
      9. William, the brother of Sybilla de Normandy, probably the brother of Reginald de Dunstanville.[337]
      Daughters
      1. Matilda FitzRoy, Countess of Perche.[338]
      2. Matilda FitzRoy, Duchess of Brittany.[338]
      3. Juliane, wife of Eustace of Breteuil, possibly born to Ansfrida.[339]
      4. Mabel, wife of William Gouet.[340]
      5. Constance, Vicountess of Beaumont-sur-Sarthe.[341]
      6. Aline, wife of Matthew de Montmorency.[342]
      7. Isabel, daughter of Isabel de Beaumont, Countess of Pembroke.[342]
      8. Sybilla de Normandy, Queen of Scotland, probably born before 1100.[342][nb 34]
      9. Matilda Fitzroy, Abbess of Montvilliers.[342]
      10. Gundrada de Dunstanville.[342]
      11. Possibly Rohese, wife of Henry de la Pomerai.[342][nb 35]
      12. Emma, wife of Guy of Laval.[343]
      13. Adeliza, the King's daughter.[343]
      14. The wife of Fergus of Galloway.[343]
      15. Possibly Sibyl of Falaise.[343][nb 36]
      Ancestors
      Ancestors of Henry I of England[344]
      16. Richard I, Duke of Normandy
      8. Richard II, Duke of Normandy
      17. Gunnora, Duchess of Normandy
      4. Robert I, Duke of Normandy
      18. Conan I of Rennes
      9. Judith of Brittany
      19. Ermengarde of Anjou
      2. William I of England
      10. Fulbert of Falaise
      5. Herleva
      1. Henry I of
      England
      24. Arnulf II, Count of Flanders
      12. Baldwin IV, Count of Flanders
      25. Rozala of Italy
      6. Baldwin V, Count of Flanders
      26. Frederick of Luxembour g
      13. Ogive of Luxembour g
      3. Matilda of Flanders
      28. Hugh Capet
      14. Robert II of France
      29. Adelaide of Aquitaine
      7. Adela of France
      30. William I of Provence
      15. Constance of Arles
      31. Adelaide of Anjou
      Notes
      1. The dating of Henry's birth depends on comparing chronicler accounts and the various travels of his parentsi lWliam and
      Matilda; these give only limited periods in which Henry could have been conceived and born. Historiana Wrren
      Hollister prefers the summer of 1068, Judith Green the end of the ye,a ralthough it is just possible that Henry could have
      been born in early 1069. The possible birthplace of Selby is based upon a local traditio[n1].
      2. The chronicler Orderic Vitalis describes a colourful quarrel that is said to have occurred bweteen Henry and his brothers
      Robert and William Rufus in the town of l'Aigle; modern historians, including Judith Green and Warren Hollister, are
      inclined to doubt the veracity of the story.[9]
      3. Historian Warren Hollister doubts that Henryw as ever destined for the clegr y; Judith Green is less certain.[10]
      4. Chroniclers varied in reporting the sum as either £2,000 or £5,000, although £5,000 is the more commonly cited figure
      amongst later historians.[19]
      5. £5,000 would have formed around 1.5 million silver pennies, a dfiifcult sum to move easily out of the Duchy if
      opposed.[23]
      6. Western Normandy had originally been intended for Henry's late brother Richard, and was suitably remote from the
      capital in Rouen.[26]
      7. Chroniclers vary in their description of the length of the siege, suggesting either a duratio

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