| Notes |
- Henry I
Miniature from Matthew Paris's
Historia Anglorum
King of England (more ...)
Tenure 2 August 1100 – 1 December 1135
Coronation 5 August 1100
Predecessor William II
Successor Stephen
Duke of Normandy
Tenure 1106 – 1 December 1135
Predecessor Robert Curthose
Successor Stephen
Born c. 1068
Possibly Selby, Yorkshire
Died 1 December 1135 (aged 66–67)
Saint-Denis-en-Lyons, Normandy
Burial Reading Abbey
Spouse Matilda of Scotland
m. 1100; dec. 1118
Adeliza of Louvain
m. 1121; wid. 1135
Issue Matilda, Holy Roman Empress
Henry I of England
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Henry I (c. 1068 – 1 December 1135), also known as Henry
Beauclerc, was King of England from 1100 to his death.
Henry was the fourth son of William the Conqueror and was
educated in Latin and the liberal arts. On William's death in
1087, Henry's elder brothers Robert Curthose and William
Rufus inherited Normandy and England, respectively, but
Henry was left landless. Henry purchased the County of
Cotentin in western Normandy from Robert, but William and
Robert deposed him in 1091. Henry gradually rebuilt his
power base in the Cotentin and allied himself with William
against Robert. Henry was present when William died in a
hunting accident in 1100, and he seized the English throne,
promising at his coronation to correct many of William's less
popular policies. Henry married Matilda of Scotland but
continued to have a large number of mistresses by whom he
had many illegitimate children.
Robert, who invaded in 1101, disputed Henry's control of
England; this military campaign ended in a negotiated
settlement that confirmed Henry as king. The peace was
short-lived, and Henry invaded the Duchy of Normandy in
1105 and 1106, finally defeating Robert at the Battle of
Tinchebray. Henry kept Robert imprisoned for the rest of his
life. Henry's control of Normandy was challenged by Louis
VI of France, Baldwin VII of Flanders and Fulk V of Anjou,
who promoted the rival claims of Robert's son, William
Clito, and supported a major rebellion in the Duchy between
1116 and 1119. Following Henry's victory at the Battle of
Brémule, a favourable peace settlement was agreed with
Louis in 1120.
Considered by contemporaries to be a harsh but effective
ruler, Henry skilfully manipulated the barons in England and
Normandy. In England, he drew on the existing Anglo-Saxon
system of justice, local government and taxation, but also
strengthened it with additional institutions, including the
royal exchequer and itinerant justices. Normandy was also
governed through a growing system of justices and an
exchequer. Many of the officials who ran Henry's system
were "new men" of obscure backgrounds rather than from
families of high status, who rose through the ranks as
administrators. Henry encouraged ecclesiastical reform, but
became embroiled in a serious dispute in 1101 with
Archbishop Anselm of Canterbury, which was resolved
through a compromise solution in 1105. He supported the
Cluniac order and played a major role in the selection of the
senior clergy in England and Normandy.
more ... William Adelin
Robert, 1st Earl of Gloucester
Alice FitzRoy
Gilbert FitzRoy
Matilda FitzRoy, Countess of Perche
Fulk FitzRoy
Sybilla, Queen of Scots
Reginald de Dunstanville, 1st Earl of
Cornwall
Robert FitzEdith, Lord Okehampton
Henry FitzRoy (d. 1158)
Matilda FitzRoy, Abbess of
Montvilliers
House Normandy
Father William I of England
Mother Matilda of Flanders
Henry's only legitimate son and heir, William Adelin,
drowned in the White Ship disaster of 1120, throwing the
royal succession into doubt. Henry took a second wife,
Adeliza, in the hope of having another son, but their
marriage was childless. In response to this, Henry declared
his daughter, Matilda, his heir and married her to Geoffrey of
Anjou. The relationship between Henry and the couple
became strained, and fighting broke out along the border
with Anjou. Henry died on 1 December 1135 after a week of
illness. Despite his plans for Matilda, the King was
succeeded by his nephew, Stephen of Blois, resulting in a
period of civil war known as the Anarchy.
Contents
1 Early life, 1068–1099
1.1 Childhood and appearance, 1068–86
1.2 Inheritance, 1087–88
1.3 Count of the Cotentin, 1088–90
1.4 Fall and rise, 1091–99
2 Early reign, 1100–06
2.1 Taking the throne, 1100
2.2 Marriage to Matilda, 1100
2.3 Treaty of Alton, 1101–02
2.4 Conquest of Normandy, 1103–06
3 Government, family and household
3.1 Government, law and court
3.2 Relations with the church
4 Later reign, 1107–35
4.1 Continental and Welsh politics, 1108–14
4.2 Rebellion, 1115–20
4.3 Succession crisis, 1120–23
4.4 Planning the succession, 1124–34
5 Death and legacy
5.1 Death, 1135
5.2 Historiography
6 Family and children
6.1 Legitimate
6.2 Illegitimate
7 Ancestors
8 Notes
9 References
10 Bibliography
Early life, 1068–1099
Childhood and appearance, 1068–86
Henry was probably born in England in 1068, in either the summer or the last weeks of the year, possibly in the
town of Selby in Yorkshire.[1][nb 1] His father was William the Conqueror, the Duke of Normandy, who had
invaded England in 1066 to become the King of England, establishing lands stretching into Wales. The invasion
had created an Anglo-Norman elite, many with estates spread across both sides of the English Channel.[2]
13th-century depiction of Henry
These Anglo-Norman barons typically had close links to the kingdom of France, which was then a loose
collection of counties and smaller polities, under only the minimal control of the king.[3] Henry's mother,
Matilda of Flanders, was the granddaughter of Robert II of France, and she probably named Henry after her
uncle, King Henry I of France.[4]
Henry was the youngest of William and Matilda's four sons. Physically he resembled his older brothers Robert
Curthose, Richard and William Rufus, being, as historian David Carpenter describes, "short, stocky and barrelchested,"
with black hair.[5] As a result of their age differences and Richard's early death, Henry would have
probably seen relatively little of his older brothers.[6] He probably knew his sister, Adela, well, as the two were
close in age.[7] There is little documentary evidence for his early years; historians Warren Hollister and
Kathleen Thompson suggest he was brought up predominantly in England, while Judith Green argues he was
initially brought up in the Duchy.[8][nb 2] He was probably educated by the Church, possibly by Bishop
Osmund, the King's chancellor, at Salisbury Cathedral; it is uncertain if this indicated an intent by his parents
for Henry to become a member of the clergy.[10][nb 3] It is also uncertain how far Henry's education extended,
but he was probably able to read Latin and had some background in the liberal arts.[11] He was given military
training by an instructor called Robert Achard, and Henry was knighted by his father on 24 May 1086.[12]
Inheritance, 1087–88
In 1087, William was fatally injured during a campaign in the Vexin.[13]
Henry joined his dying father near Rouen in September, where the King
partitioned his possessions among his sons.[14] The rules of succession
in western Europe at the time were uncertain; in some parts of France,
primogeniture, in which the eldest son would inherit a title, was
growing in popularity.[15] In other parts of Europe, including Normandy
and England, the tradition was for lands to be divided up, with the eldest
son taking patrimonial lands – usually considered to be the most
valuable – and younger sons given smaller, or more recently acquired,
partitions or estates.[15]
In dividing his lands, William appears to have followed the Norman
tradition, distinguishing between Normandy, which he had inherited,
and England, which he had acquired through war.[16] William's second
son, Richard, had died in a hunting accident, leaving Henry and his two brothers to inherit William's estate.
Robert, the eldest, despite being in armed rebellion against his father at the time of his death, received
Normandy.[17] England was given to William Rufus, who was in favour with the dying king.[17] Henry was
given a large sum of money, usually reported as £5,000, with the expectation that he would also be given his
mother's modest set of lands in Buckinghamshire and Gloucestershire.[18][nb 4] William's funeral at Caen was
marred by angry complaints from a local man, and Henry may have been responsible for resolving the dispute
by buying off the protester with silver.[20]
Robert returned to Normandy, expecting to have been given both the Duchy and England, to find that William
Rufus had crossed the Channel and been crowned king, as William II.[21] The two brothers disagreed
fundamentally over the inheritance, and Robert soon began to plan an invasion of England to seize the
kingdom, helped by a rebellion by some of the leading nobles against William Rufus.[22] Henry remained in
Normandy and took up a role within Robert's court, possibly either because he was unwilling to openly side
with William Rufus, or because Robert might have taken the opportunity to confiscate Henry's inherited money
if he had tried to leave.[21][nb 5] William Rufus sequestered Henry's new estates in England, leaving Henry
landless.[24]
Depiction of Bishop Odo (centre) who
imprisoned Henry from 1088–89
In 1088, Robert's plans for the invasion of England began to falter, and he turned to Henry, proposing that his
brother lend him some of his inheritance, which Henry refused.[25] Henry and Robert then came to an
alternative arrangement, in which Robert would make Henry the count of western Normandy, in exchange for
£3,000.[25][nb 6] Henry's lands were a new countship based around a delegation of the ducal authority in the
Cotentin, but it extended across the Avranchin, with control over the bishoprics of both.[27] This also gave
Henry influence over two major Norman leaders, Hugh d'Avranches and Richard de Redvers, and the abbey of
Mont Saint-Michel, whose lands spread out further across the Duchy.[28] Robert's invasion force failed to leave
Normandy, leaving William Rufus secure in England.[29]
Count of the Cotentin, 1088–90
Henry quickly established himself as count, building up a network of
followers from western Normandy and eastern Brittany, whom historian
John Le Patourel has characterised as "Henry's gang".[30] His early
supporters included Roger of Mandeville, Richard of Redvers, Richard
d'Avranches and Robert Fitzhamon, along with the churchman Roger of
Salisbury.[31] Robert attempted to go back on his deal with Henry and
re-appropriate the county, but Henry's grip was already sufficiently firm
to prevent this.[32] Robert's rule of the Duchy was chaotic, and parts of
Henry's lands became almost independent of central control from
Rouen.[33]
During this period, neither William nor Robert seems to have trusted
Henry.[34] Waiting until the rebellion against William Rufus was safely over, Henry returned to England in July
1088.[35] He met with the King but was unable to persuade him to grant him their mother's estates, and
travelled back to Normandy in the autumn.[36] While he had been away, however, Odo, the Bishop of Bayeux,
who regarded Henry as a potential competitor, had convinced Robert that Henry was conspiring against the
duke with William Rufus.[37] On landing, Odo seized Henry and imprisoned him in Neuilly-la-Forêt, and
Robert took back the county of the Cotentin.[38] Henry was held there over the winter, but in the spring of 1089
the senior elements of the Normandy nobility prevailed upon Robert to release him.[39]
Although no longer formally the Count of Cotentin, Henry continued to control the west of Normandy.[40] The
struggle between Henry's brothers continued. William Rufus continued to put down resistance to his rule in
England, but began to build a number of alliances against Robert with barons in Normandy and neighbouring
Ponthieu.[41] Robert allied himself with Philip I of France.[42] In late 1090 William Rufus encouraged Conan
Pilatus, a powerful burgher in Rouen, to rebel against Robert; Conan was supported by most of Rouen and
made appeals to the neighbouring ducal garrisons to switch allegiance as well.[43]
Robert issued an appeal for help to his barons, and Henry was the first to arrive in Rouen in November.[44]
Violence broke out, leading to savage, confused street fighting as both sides attempted to take control of the
city.[44] Robert and Henry left the castle to join the battle, but Robert then retreated, leaving Henry to continue
the fighting.[45] The battle turned in favour of the ducal forces and Henry took Conan prisoner.[45] Henry was
angry that Conan had turned against his feudal lord. He had him taken to the top of Rouen Castle and then,
despite Conan's offers to pay a huge ransom, threw him off the top of the castle to his death.[46] Contemporaries
considered Henry to have acted appropriately in making an example of Conan, and Henry became famous for
his exploits in the battle.[47]
Fall and rise, 1091–99
Mont Saint-Michel, site of the 1091
siege
In the aftermath, Robert forced Henry to leave Rouen, probably because
Henry's role in the fighting had been more prominent than his own, and
possibly because Henry had asked to be formally reinstated as the count
of the Cotentin.[48] In early 1091, William Rufus invaded Normandy
with a sufficiently large army to bring Robert to the negotiating
table.[49] The two brothers signed a treaty at Rouen, granting William
Rufus a range of lands and castles in Normandy. In return, William
Rufus promised to support Robert's attempts to regain control of the
neighbouring county of Maine, once under Norman control, and help in
regaining control over the Duchy, including Henry's lands.[49] They
nominated each other as heirs to England and Normandy, excluding
Henry from any succession while either one of them lived.[50]
War now broke out between Henry and his brothers.[51] Henry mobilised a mercenary army in the west of
Normandy, but as William Rufus and Robert's forces advanced, his network of baronial support melted
away.[52] Henry focused his remaining forces at Mont Saint-Michel, where he was besieged, probably in March
1091.[53] The site was easy to defend, but lacked fresh water.[54] The chronicler William of Malmesbury
suggested that when Henry's water ran short, Robert allowed his brother fresh supplies, leading to
remonstrations between Robert and William Rufus.[55] The events of the final days of the siege are unclear: the
besiegers had begun to argue about the future strategy for the campaign, but Henry then abandoned Mont Saint-
Michel, probably as part of a negotiated surrender.[56][nb 7] He left for Brittany and crossed over into France.[57]
Henry's next steps are not well documented; one chronicler, Orderic Vitalis, suggests that he travelled in the
French Vexin, along the Normandy border, for over a year with a small band of followers.[58] By the end of the
year, Robert and William Rufus had fallen out once again, and the Treaty of Rouen had been abandoned.[59] In
1092, Henry and his followers seized the Normandy town of Domfront.[60] Domfront had previously been
controlled by Robert of Bellême, but the inhabitants disliked his rule and invited Henry to take over the town,
which he did in a bloodless coup.[61] Over the next two years, Henry re-established his network of supporters
across western Normandy, forming what Judith Green terms a "court in waiting".[62] By 1094, he was
allocating lands and castles to his followers as if he were the Duke of Normandy.[63] William Rufus began to
support Henry with money, encouraging his campaign against Robert, and Henry used some of this to construct
a substantial castle at Domfront.[64]
William Rufus crossed into Normandy to take the war to Robert in 1094, and when progress stalled, called
upon Henry for assistance.[65] Henry responded, but travelled to London instead of joining the main campaign
further east in Normandy, possibly at the request of the King, who in any event abandoned the campaign and
returned to England.[66][nb 8] Over the next few years, Henry appears to have strengthened his power base in
western Normandy, visiting England occasionally to attend at William Rufus's court.[68] In 1095 Pope Urban II
called the First Crusade, encouraging knights from across Europe to join.[67] Robert joined the Crusade,
borrowing money from William Rufus to do so, and granting the King temporary custody of his part of the
Duchy in exchange.[69] The King appeared confident of regaining the remainder of Normandy from Robert,
and Henry appeared ever closer to William Rufus, the pair campaigning together in the Norman Vexin between
1097 and 1098.[70]
Early reign, 1100–06
Taking the throne, 1100
A 17th-century manuscript
drawing of Henry's
coronation.
Henry became King of England following the death of William Rufus, who had
been shot while hunting.[71] On the afternoon of 2 August 1100, the King had
gone hunting in the New Forest, accompanied by a team of huntsmen and a
number of the Norman nobility, including Henry.[72] An arrow was fired,
possibly by the baron Walter Tirel, which hit and killed William Rufus.[73]
Numerous conspiracy theories have been put forward suggesting that the King
was killed deliberately; most modern historians reject these, as hunting was a
risky activity, and such accidents were common.[74][nb 9] Chaos broke out, and
Tirel fled the scene for France, either because he had fired the fatal shot, or
because he had been incorrectly accused and feared that he would be made a
scapegoat for the King's death.[73]
Henry rode to Winchester, where an argument ensued as to who now had the
best claim to the throne.[76] William of Breteuil championed the rights of
Robert, who was still abroad, returning from the Crusade, and to whom Henry
and the barons had given homage in previous years.[77] Henry argued that,
unlike Robert, he had been born to a reigning king and queen, thereby giving him a claim under the right of
porphyrogeniture.[78] Tempers flared, but Henry, supported by Henry de Beaumont and Robert of Meulan, held
sway and persuaded the barons to follow him.[79] He occupied Winchester Castle and seized the royal
treasury.[80]
Henry was hastily crowned king in Westminster Abbey on 5 August by Maurice, the Bishop of London, as
Anselm, the Archbishop of Canterbury, had been exiled by William Rufus, and Thomas, the Archbishop of
York, was in the north of England at Ripon.[81] In accordance with English tradition and in a bid to legitimise
his rule, Henry issued a coronation charter laying out various commitments.[82] The new king presented
himself as having restored order to a trouble-torn country.[83] He announced that he would abandon William
Rufus's policies towards the Church, which had been seen as oppressive by the clergy; he promised to prevent
royal abuses of the barons' property rights, and assured a return to the gentler customs of Edward the
Confessor; he asserted that he would "establish a firm peace" across England and ordered "that this peace shall
henceforth be kept".[84]
In addition to his existing circle of supporters, many of whom were richly rewarded with new lands, Henry
quickly co-opted many of the existing administration into his new royal household.[85] William Giffard,
William Rufus's chancellor, was made the Bishop of Winchester, and the prominent sheriffs Urse d'Abetot,
Haimo Dapifer and Robert Fitzhamon continued to play a senior role in government.[85] By contrast, the
unpopular Ranulf Flambard, the Bishop of Durham and a key member of the previous regime, was imprisoned
in the Tower of London and charged with corruption.[86] The late king had left many church positions unfilled,
and Henry set about nominating candidates to these, in an effort to build further support for his new
government.[87] The appointments needed to be consecrated, and Henry wrote to Anselm, apologising for
having been crowned while the Archbishop was still in France and asking him to return at once.[88]
Marriage to Matilda, 1100
On 11 November 1100 Henry married Matilda, the daughter of Malcolm III of Scotland.[89] Henry was now
around 31 years old, but late marriages for noblemen were not unusual in the 11th century.[90] The pair had
probably first met earlier the previous decade, possibly being introduced through Bishop Osmund of
Salisbury.[91] Historian Warren Hollister argues that Henry and Matilda were emotionally close, but their union
was also certainly politically motivated.[92][nb 10] Matilda had originally been named Edith, an Anglo-Saxon
name, and was a member of the West Saxon royal family, being the niece of Edgar the Ætheling, the greatHenry's
first wife, Matilda of Scotland
Early 14th-century depiction of Henry
granddaughter of Edmund Ironside and a descendant of Alfred the
Great.[94] For Henry, marrying Matilda gave his reign increased
legitimacy, and for Matilda, an ambitious woman, it was an opportunity
for high status and power in England.[95]
Matilda had been educated in a sequence of convents, however, and
may well have taken the vows to formally become a nun, which formed
an obstacle to the marriage progressing.[96] She did not wish to be a nun
and appealed to Anselm for permission to marry Henry, and the
Archbishop established a council at Lambeth Palace to judge the
issue.[96] Despite some dissenting voices, the council concluded that
although Matilda had lived in a convent, she had not actually become a
nun and was therefore free to marry, a judgement that Anselm then
affirmed, allowing the marriage to proceed.[96][nb 11] Matilda proved an
effective queen for Henry, acting as a regent in England on occasion, addressing and presiding over councils,
and extensively supporting the arts.[98] The couple soon had two children, Matilda, born in 1102, and William
Adelin, born in 1103; it is possible that they also had a second son, Richard, who died young.[99][nb 12]
Following the birth of these children, Matilda preferred to remain based in Westminster while Henry travelled
across England and Normandy, either for religious reasons or because she enjoyed being involved in the
machinery of royal governance.[101]
Henry had a considerable sexual appetite and enjoyed a substantial number of sexual partners, resulting in a
large number of illegitimate children, at least nine sons and 13 daughters, many of whom he appears to have
recognised and supported.[102] It was normal for unmarried Anglo-Norman noblemen to have sexual relations
with prostitutes and local women, and kings were also expected to have mistresses.[103][nb 13] Some of these
relationships occurred before Henry was married, but many others took place after his marriage to Matilda.[104]
Henry had a wide range of mistresses from a range of backgrounds, and the relationships appear to have been
conducted relatively openly.[101] He may have chosen some of his noble mistresses for political purposes, but
the evidence to support this theory is limited.[105]
Treaty of Alton, 1101–02
By early 1101, Henry's new regime was established and functioning, but
many of the Anglo-Norman elite still supported Robert, or would be
prepared to switch sides if Henry's elder brother appeared likely to gain
power in England.[106] In February, Flambard escaped from the Tower
of London and crossed the Channel to Normandy, where he injected
fresh direction and energy to Robert's attempts to mobilise an invasion
force.[107] By July, Robert had formed an army and a fleet, ready to
move against Henry in England.[108] Raising the stakes in the conflict,
Henry seized Flambard's lands and, with the support of Anselm,
Flambard was removed from his position as bishop.[109] Henry held
court in April and June, where the nobility renewed their oaths of
allegiance to him, but their support still appeared partial and shaky.[110]
With the invasion imminent, Henry mobilised his forces and fleet
outside Pevensey, close to Robert's anticipated landing site, training
some of them personally in how to counter cavalry charges.[111] Despite
English levies and knights owing military service to the Church arriving in considerable numbers, many of his
barons did not appear.[112] Anselm intervened with some of the doubters, emphasising the religious importance
The village of Tinchebray in 2008
of their loyalty to Henry.[113] Robert unexpectedly landed further up the coast at Portsmouth on 20 July with a
modest force of a few hundred men, but these were quickly joined by many of the barons in England.[114]
However, instead of marching into nearby Winchester and seizing Henry's treasury, Robert paused, giving
Henry time to march west and intercept the invasion force.[115]
The two armies met at Alton where peace negotiations began, possibly initiated by either Henry or Robert, and
probably supported by Flambard.[115] The brothers then agreed to the Treaty of Alton, under which Robert
released Henry from his oath of homage and recognised him as king; Henry renounced his claims on western
Normandy, except for Domfront, and agreed to pay Robert £2,000 a year for life; if either brother died without
a male heir, the other would inherit his lands; the barons whose lands had been seized by either the King or the
Duke for supporting his rival would have them returned, and Flambard would be reinstated as bishop; the two
brothers would campaign together to defend their territories in Normandy.[116][nb 14] Robert remained in
England for a few months more with Henry before returning to Normandy.[118]
Despite the treaty, Henry set about inflicting severe penalties on the barons who had stood against him during
the invasion.[119] William de Warenne, the Earl of Surrey, was accused of fresh crimes, which were not covered
by the Alton amnesty, and was banished from England.[120] In 1102 Henry then turned against Robert of
Bellême and his brothers, the most powerful of the barons, accusing him of 45 different offences.[121] Robert
escaped and took up arms against Henry.[122] Henry besieged Robert's castles at Arundel, Tickhill and
Shrewsbury, pushing down into the south-west to attack Bridgnorth.[123] His power base in England broken,
Robert accepted Henry's offer of banishment and left the country for Normandy.[124]
Conquest of Normandy, 1103–06
Henry's network of allies in Normandy became stronger during
1103.[125] Henry married Juliana, one of his illegitimate daughters, to
Eustace of Breteuil, and another illegitimate daughter, Matilda, to
Rotrou, the Count of Perche, on the Normandy border.[126] Henry
attempted to win over other members of the Normandy nobility and
gave other English estates and lucrative offers to key Norman lords.[127]
Duke Robert continued to fight Robert of Bellême, but the Duke's
position worsened, until by 1104, he had to ally himself formally with
Bellême to survive.[128] Arguing that Duke Robert had broken the terms
of their treaty, Henry crossed over the Channel to Domfront, where he
met with senior barons from across Normandy, eager to ally themselves with the King.[129] Henry confronted
his brother and accused him of siding with his enemies, before returning to England.[130]
Normandy continued to disintegrate into chaos.[131] In 1105, Henry sent his friend Robert Fitzhamon and a
force of knights into the Duchy, apparently to provoke a confrontation with Duke Robert.[132] Fitzhamon was
captured, and Henry used this as an excuse to invade, promising to restore peace and order.[131] Henry had the
support of most of the neighbouring counts around Normandy's borders, and King Philip of France was
persuaded to remain neutral.[133] Henry occupied western Normandy, and advanced east on Bayeux, where
Fitzhamon was held.[134] The city refused to surrender, and Henry besieged it, burning it to the ground.[134]
Terrified of meeting the same fate, the town of Caen switched sides and surrendered, allowing Henry to
advance on Falaise, which he took with some casualties.[135] Henry's campaign stalled, and the King instead
began peace discussions with Robert.[136] The negotiations were inconclusive and the fighting dragged on until
Christmas, when Henry returned to England.[137]
Henry's royal seal, showing the King on horseback (l) and seated on
his throne (r)
Henry invaded again in July 1106, hoping to provoke a decisive battle.[138] After some initial tactical successes,
he turned south-west towards the castle of Tinchebray.[139] He besieged the castle and Duke Robert, supported
by Robert of Bellême, advanced from Falaise to relieve it.[139] After attempts at negotiation failed, the Battle of
Tinchebray took place, probably on 28 September.[140][nb 15] The battle lasted around an hour, and began with a
charge by Duke Robert's cavalry; the infantry and dismounted knights of both sides then joined the battle.[142]
Henry's reserves, led by Elias, the Count of Maine and Alan, the Duke of Brittany, attacked the enemy's flanks,
routing first Bellême's troops and then the bulk of the ducal forces.[143] Duke Robert was taken prisoner, but
Bellême escaped.[143]
Henry mopped up the remaining resistance in Normandy, and Robert ordered his last garrisons to
surrender.[144] Reaching Rouen, Henry reaffirmed the laws and customs of Normandy and took homage from
the leading barons and citizens.[145] The lesser prisoners taken at Tinchebray were released, but Robert and
several other leading nobles were imprisoned indefinitely.[146] Henry's nephew, Robert's son William Clito, was
only three years old and was released to the care of Helias of Saint-Saens, a Norman baron.[147] Henry
reconciled himself with Robert of Bellême, who gave up the ducal lands he had seized and rejoined the royal
court.[148] Henry had no way of legally removing the Duchy from his brother Robert, and initially Henry
avoided using the title "duke" at all, emphasising that, as the King of England, he was only acting as the
guardian of the troubled Duchy.[149]
Government, family and household
Government, law and court
Henry inherited the kingdom of England
from William Rufus, giving him a claim of
suzerainty over Wales and Scotland, and
acquired the Duchy of Normandy, a
complex entity with troubled borders.[150]
The borders between England and Scotland
were still uncertain during Henry's reign,
with Anglo-Norman influence pushing
northwards through Cumbria, but Henry's
relationship with King David I of Scotland
was generally good, partially due to Henry's
marriage to his sister.[151] In Wales, Henry
used his power to coerce and charm the
indigenous Welsh princes, while Norman
Marcher Lords pushed across the valleys of
South Wales.[152] Normandy was controlled via various interlocking networks of ducal, ecclesiastical and
family contacts, backed by a growing string of important ducal castles along the borders.[153] Alliances and
relationships with neighbouring counties along the Norman border were particularly important to maintaining
the stability of the Duchy.[154]
Henry ruled through the various barons and lords in England and Normandy, whom he manipulated skilfully
for political effect.[155] Political friendships, termed amicitia in Latin, were important during the 12th century,
and Henry maintained a wide range of these, mediating between his friends in various factions across his realm
when necessary, and rewarding those who were loyal to him.[156] Henry also had a reputation for punishing
those barons who stood against him, and he maintained an effective network of informers and spies who
reported to him on events.[157] Henry was a harsh, firm ruler, but not excessively so by the standards of the
day.[158] Over time, he increased the degree of his control over the barons, removing his enemies and bolstering
his friends until the "reconstructed baronage", as historian Warren Hollister describes it, was predominantly
loyal and dependent on the King.[159]
Henry's itinerant royal court comprised various parts.[160] At the heart was Henry's domestic household, called
the domus; a wider grouping was termed the familia regis, and formal gatherings of the court were termed
curia.[161] The domus was divided into several parts. The chapel, headed by the chancellor, looked after the
royal documents, the chamber dealt with financial affairs and the master-marshal was responsible for travel and
accommodation.[162] The familia regis included Henry's mounted household troops, up to several hundred
strong, who came from a wider range of social backgrounds, and could be deployed across England and
Normandy as required.[163] Initially Henry continued his father's practice of regular crown-wearing ceremonies
at his curia, but they became less frequent as the years passed.[164] Henry's court was grand and ostentatious,
financing the construction of large new buildings and castles with a range of precious gifts on display, including
the King's private menagerie of exotic animals, which he kept at Woodstock Palace.[165] Despite being a lively
community, Henry's court was more tightly controlled than those of previous kings.[166] Strict rules controlled
personal behaviour and prohibited members of the court from pillaging neighbouring villages, as had been the
norm under William Rufus.[166]
Henry was responsible for a substantial expansion of the royal justice system.[167][nb 16] In England, Henry
drew on the existing Anglo-Saxon system of justice, local government and taxes, but strengthened it with
additional central governmental institutions.[169] Roger of Salisbury began to develop the royal exchequer after
1110, using it to collect and audit revenues from the King's sheriffs in the shires.[170] Itinerant justices began to
emerge under Henry, travelling around the country managing eyre courts, and many more laws were formally
recorded.[171] Henry gathered increasing revenue from the expansion of royal justice, both from fines and from
fees.[172] The first Pipe Roll that is known to have survived dates from 1130, recording royal expenditures.[173]
Henry reformed the coinage in 1107, 1108 and in 1125, inflicting harsh corporal punishments to English
coiners who had been found guilty of debasing the currency.[174][nb 17] In Normandy, Henry restored law and
order after 1106, operating through a body of Norman justices and an exchequer system similar to that in
England.[176] Norman institutions grew in scale and scope under Henry, although less quickly than in
England.[177] Many of the officials that ran Henry's system were termed "new men", relatively low-born
individuals who rose through the ranks as administrators, managing justice or the royal revenues.[178][nb 18]
Relations with the chur ch
Church and the King
Henry's ability to govern was intimately bound up with the Church, which formed the key to the administration
of both England and Normandy, and this relationship changed considerably over the course of his reign.[180]
William the Conqueror had reformed the English Church with the support of his Archbishop of Canterbury,
Lanfranc, who became a close colleague and advisor to the King.[181][nb 19] Under William Rufus this
arrangement had collapsed, the King and Archbishop Anselm had become estranged and Anselm had gone into
exile. Henry also believed in Church reform, but on taking power in England he became embroiled in the
investiture controversy.[183]
The argument concerned who should invest a new bishop with his staff and ring: traditionally, this had been
carried out by the king in a symbolic demonstration of royal power, but Pope Urban II had condemned this
practice in 1099, arguing that only the papacy could carry out this task, and declaring that the clergy should not
give homage to their local temporal rulers.[184] Anselm returned to England from exile in 1100 having heard
Urban's pronouncement, and informed Henry that he would be complying with the Pope's wishes.[185] Henry
The seal of Archbishop Anselm of
Canterbury
was in a difficult position. On one hand, the symbolism and homage
was important to him; on the other hand, he needed Anselm's support in
his struggle with his brother Duke Robert.[186]
Anselm stuck firmly to the letter of the papal decree, despite Henry's
attempts to persuade him to give way in return for a vague assurance of
a future royal compromise.[187] Matters escalated, with Anselm going
back into exile and Henry confiscating the revenues of his estates.
Anselm threatened excommunication, and in July 1105 the two men
finally negotiated a solution.[188] A distinction was drawn between the
secular and ecclesiastical powers of the prelates, under which Henry
gave up his right to invest his clergy, but retained the custom of
requiring them to come and do homage for the temporalities, the landed
properties they held in England.[189] Despite this argument, the pair
worked closely together, combining to deal with Duke Robert's invasion
of 1101, for example, and holding major reforming councils in 1102 and
1108.[190]
A long-running dispute between the Archbishops of Canterbury and York flared up under Anselm's successor,
Ralph d'Escures.[191] Canterbury, traditionally the senior of the two establishments, had long argued that the
Archbishop of York should formally promise to obey their Archbishop, but York argued that the two
episcopates were independent within the English Church and that no such promise was necessary. Henry
supported the primacy of Canterbury, to ensure that England remained under a single ecclesiastical
administration, but the Pope preferred the case of York.[191] The matter was complicated by Henry's personal
friendship with Thurstan, the Archbishop of York, and the King's desire that the case should not end up in a
papal court, beyond royal control.[191] Henry badly needed the support of the Papacy in his struggle with Louis
of France, however, and therefore allowed Thurstan to attend the Council of Rheims in 1119, where Thurstan
was then consecrated by the Pope with no mention of any duty towards Canterbury.[192] Henry believed that
this went against assurances Thurstan had previously made and exiled him from England until the King and
Archbishop came to a negotiated solution the following year.[193]
Even after the investiture dispute, the King continued to play a major role in the selection of new English and
Norman bishops and archbishops.[194] Henry appointed many of his officials to bishoprics and, as historian
Martin Brett suggests, "some of his officers could look forward to a mitre with all but absolute
confidence".[195] Henry's chancellors, and those of his queens, became bishops of Durham, Hereford, London,
Lincoln, Winchester and Salisbury.[196] Henry increasingly drew on a wider range of these bishops as advisors
– particularly Roger of Salisbury – breaking with the earlier tradition of relying primarily on the Archbishop of
Canterbury.[197] The result was a cohesive body of administrators through which Henry could exercise careful
influence, holding general councils to discuss key matters of policy.[198] This stability shifted slightly after
1125, when Henry began to inject a wider range of candidates into the senior positions of the Church, often
with more reformist views, and the impact of this generation would be felt in the years after Henry's death.[199]
Personal beliefs and piety
Like other rulers of the period, Henry donated to the Church and patronised various religious communities, but
contemporary chroniclers did not consider him an unusually pious king.[200] His personal beliefs and piety
may, however, have developed during the course of his life. Henry had always taken an interest in religion, but
in his later years he may have become much more concerned about spiritual affairs.[201] If so, the major shifts
in his thinking would appear to have occurred after 1120, when his son William Adelin died, and 1129, when
his daughter's marriage teetered on the verge of collapse.[202][nb 20]
The ruined chapter house of Reading
Abbey in 2008
Denier coin of Henry's rival, Louis VI
of France
As a proponent of religious reform, Henry gave extensively to reformist
groups within the Church.[204] He was a keen supporter of the Cluniac
order, probably for intellectual reasons.[205] He donated money to the
abbey at Cluny itself, and after 1120 gave generously to Reading
Abbey, a Cluniac establishment.[205] Construction on Reading began in
1121, and Henry endowed it with rich lands and extensive privileges,
making it a symbol of his dynastic lines.[206] He also focused effort on
promoting the conversion of communities of clerks into Augustinian
canons, the foundation of leper hospitals, expanding the provision of
nunneries, and the charismatic orders of the Savigniacs and
Tironensians.[207] He was an avid collector of relics, sending an
embassy to Constantinople in 1118 to collect Byzantine items, some of which were donated to Reading
Abbey.[208]
Later reign, 1107–35
Continental and Welsh politics, 1108–14
Normandy faced an increased threat from France, Anjou and Flanders after 1108.[209] Louis VI succeeded to
the French throne in 1108 and began to reassert central royal power.[209] Louis demanded Henry give homage
to him and that two disputed castles along the Normandy border be placed into the control of neutral
castellans.[210] Henry refused, and Louis responded by mobilising an army.[211] After some arguments, the two
kings negotiated a truce and retreated without fighting, leaving the underlying issues unresolved.[211][nb 21]
Fulk V assumed power in Anjou in 1109 and began to rebuild Angevin authority.[213] Fulk also inherited the
county of Maine, but refused to recognise Henry as his feudal lord and instead allied himself with Louis.[214]
Robert II of Flanders also briefly joined the alliance, before his death in 1111.[215]
In 1108, Henry betrothed his eight-year-old daughter, Matilda, to Henry
V, the future Holy Roman Emperor.[216] For King Henry, this was a
prestigious match; for Henry V, it was an opportunity to restore his
financial situation and fund an expedition to Italy, as he received a
dowry of £6,666 from England and Normandy.[217][nb 22] Raising this
money proved challenging, and required the implementation of a special
"aid", or tax, in England.[219] Matilda was crowned Henry V's queen in
1110.[220]
Henry responded to the French and Angevin threat by expanding his
own network of supporters beyond the Norman borders.[221] Some
Norman barons deemed unreliable were arrested or dispossessed, and
Henry used their forfeited estates to bribe his potential allies in the
neighbouring territories, in particular Maine.[222] Around 1110, Henry
attempted to arrest the young William Clito, but William's mentors
moved him to the safety of Flanders before he could be taken.[223] At about this time, Henry probably began to
style himself as the Duke of Normandy.[224][nb 23] Robert of Bellême turned against Henry once again, and
when he appeared at Henry's court in 1112 in a new role as a French ambassador, he was arrested and
imprisoned.[226]
Rebellions broke out in France and Anjou between 1111 and 1113, and Henry crossed into Normandy to
support his nephew, Count Theobald of Blois, who had sided against Louis in the uprising.[227] In a bid to
diplomatically isolate the French King, Henry betrothed his young son, William Adelin, to Fulk's daughter
Silver pennies of Henry I, struck at
the Oxford mint
Matilda, and married his illegitimate daughter Matilda to Conan III, the Duke of Brittany, creating alliances
with Anjou and Brittany respectively.[228] Louis backed down and in March 1113 met with Henry near Gisors
to agree a peace settlement, giving Henry the disputed fortresses and confirming Henry's overlordship of
Maine, Bellême and Brittany.[229]
Meanwhile, the situation in Wales was deteriorating. Henry had conducted a campaign in South Wales in 1108,
pushing out royal power in the region and colonising the area around Pembroke with Flemings.[230] By 1114,
some of the resident Norman lords were under attack, while in Mid-Wales, Owain ap Cadwgan blinded one of
the political hostages he was holding, and in North Wales Gruffudd ap Cynan threatened the power of the Earl
of Chester.[231] Henry sent three armies into Wales that year, with Gilbert Fitz Richard leading a force from the
south, Alexander, King of Scotland, pressing from the north and Henry himself advancing into Mid-Wales.[231]
Owain and Gruffudd sued for peace, and Henry accepted a political compromise.[232] Henry reinforced the
Welsh Marches with his own appointees, strengthening the border territories.[233]
Rebellion, 1115–20
Concerned about the succession, Henry sought to persuade Louis VI to
accept his son, William Adelin, as the legitimate future Duke of
Normandy, in exchange for his son's homage.[234] Henry crossed into
Normandy in 1115 and assembled the Norman barons to swear loyalty;
he also almost successfully negotiated a settlement with King Louis,
affirming William's right to the Duchy in exchange for a large sum of
money, but the deal fell through and Louis, backed by his ally Baldwin
of Flanders, instead declared that he considered William Clito the
legitimate heir to the Duchy.[235]
War broke out after Henry returned to Normandy with an army to
support Theobald of Blois, who was under attack from Louis.[236]
Henry and Louis raided each other's towns along the border, and a wider conflict then broke out, probably in
1116.[236][nb 24] Henry was pushed onto the defensive as French, Flemish and Angevin forces began to pillage
the Normandy countryside.[238] Amaury III of Montfort and many other barons rose up against Henry, and
there was an assassination plot from within his own household.[238] Henry's wife, Matilda, died in early 1118,
but the situation in Normandy was sufficiently pressing that Henry was unable to return to England for her
funeral.[239]
Henry responded by mounting campaigns against the rebel barons and deepening his alliance with
Theobald.[240] Baldwin of Flanders was wounded in battle and died in September 1118, easing the pressure on
Normandy from the north-east.[241] Henry attempted to crush a revolt in the city of Alençon, but was defeated
by Fulk and the Angevin army.[242] Forced to retreat from Alençon, Henry's position deteriorated alarmingly, as
his resources became overstretched and more barons abandoned his cause.[243] Early in 1119, Eustace of
Breteuil and Henry's daughter, Juliana, threatened to join the baronial revolt.[244] Hostages were exchanged in a
bid to avoid conflict, but relations broke down and both sides mutilated their captives.[245] Henry attacked and
took the town of Breteuil, despite Juliana's attempt to kill her father with a crossbow.[245][nb 25] In the
aftermath, Henry dispossessed the couple of almost all of their lands in Normandy.[247]
Henry's situation improved in May 1119 when he enticed Fulk to switch sides by finally agreeing to marry
William Adelin to Fulk's daughter, Matilda, and paying Fulk a large sum of money.[248] Fulk left for the
Levant, leaving the County of Maine in Henry's care, and the King was free to focus on crushing his remaining
enemies.[249] During the summer Henry advanced into the Norman Vexin, where he encountered Louis's army,
resulting in the Battle of Brémule.[250] Henry appears to have deployed scouts and then organised his troops
Early 14th-century depiction of the
sinking of the White Ship on 25
November 1120
into several carefully formed lines of dismounted knights.[251] Unlike Henry's forces, the French knights
remained mounted; they hastily charged the Anglo-Norman positions, breaking through the first rank of the
defences but then becoming entangled in Henry's second line of knights.[252] Surrounded, the French army
began to collapse.[251] In the melee, Henry was hit by a sword blow, but his armour protected him.[253] Louis
and William Clito escaped from the battle, leaving Henry to return to Rouen in triumph.[254]
The war slowly petered out after this battle, and Louis took the dispute over Normandy to Pope Callixtus II's
council in Reims that October.[255] Henry faced a number of French complaints concerning his acquisition and
subsequent management of Normandy, and despite being defended by Geoffrey, the Archbishop of Rouen,
Henry's case was shouted down by the pro-French elements of the council.[256] Callixtus declined to support
Louis, however, and merely advised the two rulers to seek peace.[257] Amaury de Montfort came to terms with
Henry, but Henry and William Clito failed to find a mutually satisfactory compromise.[258] In June 1120, Henry
and Louis formally made peace on terms advantageous to the English King: William Adelin gave homage to
Louis, and in return Louis confirmed William's rights to the Duchy.[259]
Succession crisis, 1120–23
Henry's succession plans were thrown into chaos by the sinking of the
White Ship on 25 November 1120.[260] Henry had left the port of
Barfleur for England in the early evening, leaving William Adelin and
many of the younger members of the court to follow on that night in a
separate vessel, the White Ship.[261] Both the crew and passengers were
drunk and, just outside the harbour, the ship hit a submerged
rock.[262][nb 26] The ship sank, killing as many as 300 people, with only
one survivor, a butcher from Rouen.[262] Henry's court was initially too
scared to report William's death to the King. When he was finally told,
he collapsed with grief.[264]
The disaster left Henry with no legitimate son, his various nephews now
the closest male heirs.[265] Henry announced he would take a new wife,
Adeliza of Louvain, opening up the prospect of a new royal son, and the
two were married at Windsor Castle in January 1121.[266][nb 27] Henry
appears to have chosen her because she was attractive and came from a
prestigious noble line. Adela seems to have been fond of Henry and
joined him in his travels, probably to maximise the chances of her
conceiving a child.[268] The White Ship disaster initiated fresh conflict in Wales, where the drowning of
Richard, Earl of Chester, encouraged a rebellion led by Maredudd ap Bleddyn.[269] Henry intervened in North
Wales that summer with an army and, although the King was hit by a Welsh arrow, the campaign reaffirmed
royal power across the region.[269]
With William dead, Henry's alliance with Anjou – which had been based on his son marrying Fulk's daughter –
began to disintegrate.[270] Fulk returned from the Levant and demanded that Henry return Matilda and her
dowry, a range of estates and fortifications in Maine.[270] Matilda left for Anjou, but Henry argued that the
dowry had in fact originally belonged to him before it came into the possession of Fulk, and so declined to hand
the estates back to Anjou.[271] Fulk married his daughter Sibylla to William Clito, and granted them Maine.[272]
Once again, conflict broke out, as Amaury de Montfort allied himself with Fulk and led a revolt along the
Norman-Anjou border in 1123.[272] Amaury was joined by several other Norman barons, headed by Waleran de
Beaumont, one of the sons of Henry's old ally, Robert of Meulan.[273][nb 28]
Henry dispatched Robert of Gloucester and Ranulf le Meschin to Normandy and then intervened himself in late
1123.[275] Henry began the process of besieging the rebel castles, before wintering in the Duchy.[276] In the
spring, campaigning began again. Ranulf received intelligence that the rebels were returning to one of their
bases at Vatteville, allowing him to ambush them en route at Rougemontiers; Waleran charged the royal forces,
but his knights were cut down by Ranulf's archers and the rebels were quickly overwhelmed.[277] Waleran was
captured, but Amaury escaped.[277] Henry mopped up the remainder of the rebellion, blinding some of the rebel
leaders – considered, at the time, a more merciful punishment than execution – and recovering the last rebel
castles.[278] Henry paid Pope Callixtus a large amount of money, in exchange for the Papacy annulling the
marriage of William Clito and Sibylla on the grounds of consanguinity.[279][nb 29]
Planning the succession, 1 124–34
Henry and his new wife did not conceive any children, generating prurient speculation as to the possible
explanation, and the future of the dynasty appeared at risk.[281][nb 30] Henry may have begun to look among his
nephews for a possible heir. He may have considered Stephen of Blois as a possible option and, perhaps in
preparation for this, he arranged a beneficial marriage for Stephen to a wealthy heiress, Matilda.[283] Theobald
of Blois, his close ally, may have also felt that he was in favour with Henry.[284] William Clito, who was King
Louis's preferred choice, remained opposed to Henry and was therefore unsuitable.[285] Henry may have also
considered his own illegitimate son, Robert of Gloucester, as a possible candidate, but English tradition and
custom would have looked unfavourably on this.[286]
Henry's plans shifted when the Empress Matilda's husband, the Emperor Henry, died in 1125.[287] King Henry
recalled his daughter to England the next year and declared that, should he die without a male heir, she was to
be his rightful successor.[288] The Anglo-Norman barons were gathered together at Westminster on Christmas
1126, where they swore to recognise Matilda and any future legitimate heir she might have.[288][nb 31] Putting
forward a woman as a potential heir in this way was unusual: opposition to Matilda continued to exist within
the English court, and Louis was vehemently opposed to her candidacy.[290]
Fresh conflict broke out in 1127, when Charles, the childless Count of Flanders, was murdered, creating a local
succession crisis.[291] Backed by King Louis, William Clito was chosen by the Flemings to become their new
ruler.[292] This development potentially threatened Normandy, and Henry began to finance a proxy war in
Flanders, promoting the claims of William's Flemish rivals.[293] In an effort to disrupt the French alliance with
William, Henry mounted an attack into France in 1128, forcing Louis to cut his aid to William.[294] William
died unexpectedly in July, removing the last major challenger to Henry's rule and bringing the war in Flanders
to a halt.[295] Without William, the baronial opposition in Normandy lacked a leader. A fresh peace was made
with France, and the King was finally able to release the remaining prisoners from the revolt of 1123, including
Waleran of Meulan, who was rehabilitated into the royal court.[296]
Meanwhile, Henry rebuilt his alliance with Fulk of Anjou, this time by marrying Matilda to Fulk's eldest son,
Geoffrey.[297] The pair were betrothed in 1127 and married the following year.[298] It is unknown whether
Henry intended Geoffrey to have any future claim on England or Normandy, and he was probably keeping his
son-in-law's status deliberately uncertain. Similarly, although Matilda was granted a number of Normandy
castles as part of her dowry, it was not specified when the couple would actually take possession of them.[299]
Fulk left Anjou for Jerusalem in 1129, declaring Geoffrey the Count of Anjou and Maine.[300] The marriage
proved difficult, as the couple did not particularly like each other and the disputed castles proved a point of
contention, resulting in Matilda returning to Normandy later that year.[301] Henry appears to have blamed
Geoffrey for the separation, but in 1131 the couple were reconciled.[302] Much to the pleasure and relief of
Henry, Matilda then gave birth to a sequence of two sons, Henry and Geoffrey, in 1133 and 1134.[303]
Early 14th-century depiction of Henry
mourning the death of his son
Death and legacy
Death, 1135
Relations between Henry, Matilda, and Geoffrey became increasingly
strained during the King's final years. Matilda and Geoffrey suspected
that they lacked genuine support in England. In 1135 they urged Henry
to hand over the royal castles in Normandy to Matilda whilst he was
still alive, and insisted that the Norman nobility swear immediate
allegiance to her, thereby giving the couple a more powerful position
after Henry's death.[304] Henry angrily declined to do so, probably out
of concern that Geoffrey would try to seize power in Normandy.[305] A
fresh rebellion broke out amongst the barons in southern Normandy, led
by William, the Count of Ponthieu, whereupon Geoffrey and Matilda
intervened in support of the rebels.[306]
Henry campaigned throughout the autumn, strengthening the southern
frontier, and then travelled to Lyons-la-Forêt in November to enjoy
some hunting, still apparently healthy.[307] There Henry fell ill –
according to the chronicler Henry of Huntingdon, he ate a number of
lampreys against his physician's advice – and his condition worsened
over the course of a week.[308] Once the condition appeared terminal, Henry gave confession and summoned
Archbishop Hugh of Amiens, who was joined by Robert of Gloucester and other members of the court.[309] In
accordance with custom, preparations were made to settle Henry's outstanding debts and to revoke outstanding
sentences of forfeiture.[310] The King died on 1 December 1135, and his corpse was taken to Rouen
accompanied by the barons, where it was embalmed; his entrails were buried locally at Port-du-Salut Abbey,
and the preserved body was taken on to England, where it was interred at Reading Abbey.[311]
Despite Henry's efforts, the succession was disputed. When news began to spread of the King's death, Geoffrey
and Matilda were in Anjou supporting the rebels in their campaign against the royal army, which included a
number of Matilda's supporters such as Robert of Gloucester.[15] Many of these barons had taken an oath to
stay in Normandy until the late king was properly buried, which prevented them from returning to England.[312]
The Norman nobility discussed declaring Theobald of Blois king.[313] Theobald's younger brother, Stephen of
Blois, quickly crossed from Boulogne to England, however, accompanied by his military household.[314] With
the help of his brother, Henry of Blois, he seized power in England and was crowned king on 22
December.[315] The Empress Matilda did not give up her claim to England and Normandy, leading to the
prolonged civil war known as the Anarchy between 1135 and 1153.[316]
Historiography
Historians have drawn on a range of sources on Henry, including the accounts of chroniclers; other
documentary evidence, including early pipe rolls; and surviving buildings and architecture.[317] The three main
chroniclers to describe the events of Henry's life were William of Malmesbury, Orderic Vitalis, and Henry of
Huntingdon, but each incorporated extensive social and moral commentary into their accounts and borrowed a
range of literary devices and stereotypical events from other popular works.[318] Other chroniclers include
Eadmer, Hugh the Chanter, Abbot Suger, and the authors of the Welsh Brut.[319] Not all royal documents from
the period have survived, but there are a number of royal acts, charters, writs, and letters, along with some early
financial records.[320] Some of these have since been discovered to be forgeries, and others had been
subsequently amended or tampered with.[321]
Part of the Welsh Brut, one of the
chronicler sources for Henry's reign
Wikimedia Commons has
media related to Henry I of
England.
Late medieval historians seized on the accounts of selected chroniclers
regarding Henry's education and gave him the title of Henry
"Beauclerc", a theme echoed in the analysis of Victorian and Edwardian
historians such as Francis Palgrave and Henry Davis.[322] The historian
Charles David dismissed this argument in 1929, showing the more
extreme claims for Henry's education to be without foundation.[323]
Modern histories of Henry commenced with Richard Southern's work in
the early 1960s, followed by extensive research during the rest of the
20th century into a wide number of themes from his reign in England,
and a much more limited number of studies of his rule in
Normandy.[324] Only two major, modern biographies of Henry have
been produced, Warren Hollister's posthumous volume in 2001, and
Judith Green's 2006 work.[325]
Interpretation of Henry's personality by historians has altered over time. Earlier historians such as Austin Poole
and Richard Southern considered Henry as a cruel, draconian ruler.[326] More recent historians, such as
Hollister and Green, view his implementation of justice much more sympathetically, particularly when set
against the standards of the day, but even Green has noted that Henry was "in many respects highly
unpleasant", and Alan Cooper has observed that many contemporary chroniclers were probably too scared of
the King to voice much criticism.[327] Historians have also debated the extent to which Henry's administrative
reforms genuinely constituted an introduction of what Hollister and John Baldwin have termed systematic,
"administrative kingship", or whether his outlook remained fundamentally traditional.[328]
Henry's burial at Reading Abbey is marked by a local cross, but Reading Abbey was slowly demolished during
the Dissolution of the Monasteries in the 16th century.[329] The exact location is uncertain, but the most likely
location of the tomb itself is now in a built-up area of central Reading, on the site of the former abbey
choir.[329] A plan to locate his remains was announced in March 2015, with support from English Heritage and
Philippa Langley, who aided with the successful exhumation of Richard III.[330]
Family and children
Legitimate
Henry and his first wife, Matilda, had at least two legitimate children:
1. Matilda, born in 1102, died 1167.[89]
2. William Adelin, born in 1103, died 1120.[89]
3. Possibly Richard, who, if he existed, died young.[100]
Henry and his second wife, Adeliza, had no children.
Illegitimate
Henry had a number of illegitimate children by various mistresses.[nb 32]
Sons
1. Robert of Gloucester, born in the 1090s.[332]
2. Richard, born to Ansfride, brought up by Robert Bloet, the Bishop of Lincoln.[333]
3. Reginald de Dunstanville, Earl of Cornwall, born in the 1110s or early 1120s, possibly to Sibyl
Corbet.[334]
4. Robert the King's son, born to Ede, daughter of Forne.[335]
5. Gilbert FitzRoy, possibly born to an unnamed sister or daughter of Walter of Gand.[336]
6. William de Tracy, possibly born in the 1090s.[336]
7. Henry the King's son, possibly born to Nest ferch Rhys.[335][nb 33]
8. Fulk the King's son, possibly born to Ansfride.[335]
9. William, the brother of Sybilla de Normandy, probably the brother of Reginald de Dunstanville.[337]
Daughters
1. Matilda FitzRoy, Countess of Perche.[338]
2. Matilda FitzRoy, Duchess of Brittany.[338]
3. Juliane, wife of Eustace of Breteuil, possibly born to Ansfrida.[339]
4. Mabel, wife of William Gouet.[340]
5. Constance, Vicountess of Beaumont-sur-Sarthe.[341]
6. Aline, wife of Matthew de Montmorency.[342]
7. Isabel, daughter of Isabel de Beaumont, Countess of Pembroke.[342]
8. Sybilla de Normandy, Queen of Scotland, probably born before 1100.[342][nb 34]
9. Matilda Fitzroy, Abbess of Montvilliers.[342]
10. Gundrada de Dunstanville.[342]
11. Possibly Rohese, wife of Henry de la Pomerai.[342][nb 35]
12. Emma, wife of Guy of Laval.[343]
13. Adeliza, the King's daughter.[343]
14. The wife of Fergus of Galloway.[343]
15. Possibly Sibyl of Falaise.[343][nb 36]
Ancestors
Ancestors of Henry I of England[344]
16. Richard I, Duke of Normandy
8. Richard II, Duke of Normandy
17. Gunnora, Duchess of Normandy
4. Robert I, Duke of Normandy
18. Conan I of Rennes
9. Judith of Brittany
19. Ermengarde of Anjou
2. William I of England
10. Fulbert of Falaise
5. Herleva
1. Henry I of
England
24. Arnulf II, Count of Flanders
12. Baldwin IV, Count of Flanders
25. Rozala of Italy
6. Baldwin V, Count of Flanders
26. Frederick of Luxembour g
13. Ogive of Luxembour g
3. Matilda of Flanders
28. Hugh Capet
14. Robert II of France
29. Adelaide of Aquitaine
7. Adela of France
30. William I of Provence
15. Constance of Arles
31. Adelaide of Anjou
Notes
1. The dating of Henry's birth depends on comparing chronicler accounts and the various travels of his parentsi lWliam and
Matilda; these give only limited periods in which Henry could have been conceived and born. Historiana Wrren
Hollister prefers the summer of 1068, Judith Green the end of the ye,a ralthough it is just possible that Henry could have
been born in early 1069. The possible birthplace of Selby is based upon a local traditio[n1].
2. The chronicler Orderic Vitalis describes a colourful quarrel that is said to have occurred bweteen Henry and his brothers
Robert and William Rufus in the town of l'Aigle; modern historians, including Judith Green and Warren Hollister, are
inclined to doubt the veracity of the story.[9]
3. Historian Warren Hollister doubts that Henryw as ever destined for the clegr y; Judith Green is less certain.[10]
4. Chroniclers varied in reporting the sum as either £2,000 or £5,000, although £5,000 is the more commonly cited figure
amongst later historians.[19]
5. £5,000 would have formed around 1.5 million silver pennies, a dfiifcult sum to move easily out of the Duchy if
opposed.[23]
6. Western Normandy had originally been intended for Henry's late brother Richard, and was suitably remote from the
capital in Rouen.[26]
7. Chroniclers vary in their description of the length of the siege, suggesting either a duration of 15 days and six weeks.
Warren Hollister prefers six weeks; Judith Gren, 15 days.[56]
8. Henry's decision not to join the main campaign may have been because Robert's forces were sfuicfiently strong to
prevent him joining William Rufus at Eu.[67]
9. David Carpenter regards William Rufus's death as "almost certainly an accident"; Warren Hollister considers "by far the
likeliest explanation for the killing is simply ... that it was a hunting accident"; Judith Greeng aures that "on balance it
seems most likely that Rufus died because of an accident". Emma Mason is more suspicious, giving credence to the
theory that William Rufus was murdered, either by Henry or by agents of the French King.h Te minority view was also
held by Austin Poole, who considered Henry a "usurper"; writing earlier in the 20th centu, rhye argued that the facts
"look ugly" – in particular Tirel's departure from the scene, Henry's potential motive and apparent disregard for his
brother – and "seem to suggest a plot."[.75]
10. The chroniclers Eadmer, Mamesbury and Oderic describe the couple as close, with Eadmenro ting that they were in
love.[93]
11. Anselm was criticised in some quarters for permitting the royal marriage to procee[d97. ]
12. The only chronicler to suggest a second son isG ervase of Canterbury.[100]
13. Bisexuality was also common amongst this social group, but there is no evidence to suggest that Henry had male
partners.[103]
14. Most chroniclers reported this sum as 3,000m arks, equivalent to £2,000, but Orderic recorded the agreed amount as
£3,000.[117]
15. Contemporary chroniclers provided several possible dates for the battle, suggesting either 27, 28 or 29 Septem.b Terhe
28 September is more commonly used by modern historians, although historian Judith Green is less certa[i1n4.1]
16. Geoffrey of Monmouth memorably likened Henry to the "Lion of Justice" in hiHs istoria Regum Britanniae, in a section
in which he recounts the prophecies ofM erlin. Despite Henry not being named in the document itself, historians are
broadly agreed that Geofrey intended to refer to him, but there are differing interpretations of the simile itself. Judith
Green, for example, argues that the description was a positive one; Alan Cooper is far mor ceautious, noting that, in this
period, lions were considered to be strong but also brutal and cruel, and that the surrounding context in the section is
certainly not flattering about its subject[.168]
References
17. In 1124, Henry received reports from his soldeirs that they had been paid in substandard English silver pennies. Henry
instructed Roger of Salisbury to investigate, and ordered that any coiners found guilty were to have their right hands and
genitals chopped off. The sentence was carried out at Salisbury by the Bishop. Contemporyar chroniclers approved of
Henry's firm action.[175]
18. Historian David Crouch has noted that many of Henry's key advisers and foifcials later regretted their actions on behalf
of the King, observing that "life at King Henry's court tended to put a burden on the consciences of its inmate[s1"7.9]
19. Anselm used the metaphor of the government being a plough pulled by two oxen, the King and the Archbishop, ruling
through temporal and religious right respectivel.y[182]
20. Assessing Henry's personal attitude towards religion later in his life is challenging. Historian Richard Southerng uared in
favour of the two shifts being in 1120 and 1129, although Martin Brett dismissed 120 as a probable date, preferring
1129 as the key date. Judith Green is more cautious, observing that the fashion among chroniclers during the later period
was to focus more of their writing on the themes of repenting and confession, and this may have given a false
impression of a shift in Henry's thinking. Henry May-rHarting also doubts the extent of the evidence for a mid-life
change, but draws out more of his earlier piety, suggesting that Henry was always more religiously inclined than was
once thought.[203]
21. The chronicler Abbot Suger suggested that the incident was embarrassing for Hen,r ysince he had refused battle, but it
was a sound military decision.[212]
22. The dowry was 10,000 marks in silver, equivalent to £6,666.[218]
23. In Latin, the ducal title wasd ux Normannorum, literally "Duke of the Normans"[.225]
24. The dating of this campaign is uncertain; Judith Green places it firmly in1 116, while Warren Hollister is less certain,
opting for it falling between 1116 and 1118.[237]
25. In February 1119, Eustace and Juliana of Breteuil, formerly allies of Henr,y threatened to rebel unless they were given
the castle of Ivry-la-Bataille.[244] Henry promised Eustace the fortress and, to show good intent, exchanged hostages,
Eustace and Juliana's daughters being exchanged with the son of the castle's constabl[2e4.4] According to the chronicler
Orderic Vitalis, Eustace then blinded the constable's son, whereupon Henry allowed the daguhters – his illegitimate
granddaughters – to be blinded and mutilated[.245] Eustace attempted to mobilise his forces and defend Breteuil against
an attack by Henry; despite this, Henry took the city and Juliana, after attempting to kill Henry with a crossb,ow
fled.[246]
26. The submerged rock was probably either the Quillebouef Rock, or the Raz de Barfle.u[2r63]
27. The speed with which Henry's second marriage took place may indicate that Henry had been planning to remarry
anyway, even before the White Ship disaster.[267]
28. It is uncertain what led Waleran de Beaumont to rebel against Henry. Waleran may have genuinely believed that William
Clito had a rightful claim to the Duchy, and have thought that he was unlikely to benefit under Henry's rule.[274]
29. Medieval Church law at the time forbade marriage within seven degrees. In practice most of the upper classes were
related in this way, but the law could be invoked on occasion to annul marriage[s2.80]
30. It is not known precisely what the rumours about Henry's failure to bear children were, and whether the issue lay with
one or both partners.[282]
31. Medieval chroniclers' accounts of this oath vary on the points of detail. William of Malmesbury described that those
present recognised Matilda as the legitimate heir on the basis of her paternal and maternal royal descenJto;h n of
Worcester described the inheritance of England as being conditional on Matilda having a legitimate male heir; the
Anglo-Saxon chronicle suggested that an oath was given concerning the inheritance of both England and Normandy;
neither Orderic or Henry of Huntingdon recorded the event at all. Some chronicler accounts may have been influenced
by Stephen's acquisition of the throne in 135 and the later events of the Anarchy.[289]
32. Work by historian Geoffrey White in the 1940s produced an extensive list of Henry's illegitimate children, which forms
the basis of the most recent academic research, by Kathleen Thompso[n3.31]
33. Traditionally Henry's mother has been given as Nest ferch Rhys, although more recent wo rbky Kathleen Thompson
casts doubt on this theory.[335]
34. White argued that Sibyl's mother was Sibyl Corbet, although more recent research by Kateheln Thompson discredits this
theory.[342]
35. Rohese may have been Henry's daughte,r but it is more probable that her father was Herber ftitz Herbert.[342]
36. Sibyl may have been Henry's daughte,r but it is more probable that her father was Duke Roebrt of Normandy.[343]
1. Hollister 2003, pp. 30–31; Green 2009, p. 20
2. Newman 1988, pp. 21–22; Carpenter 2004, pp. 125–126
3. Hallam & Everard 2001, pp. 62–64, 114–118
4. Hollister 2003, pp. 32, 40
5. Carpenter 2004, p. 128
6. Green 2009, p. 21
7. Newman 1988, p. 54
8. Hollister 2003, p. 35; Green 2009, p. 21; Thompson 2007, pp. 16–17.
9. Green 2009, p. 21; Hollister 2003, pp. 35–36
10. Hollister 2003, pp. 36–37; Green 2009, p. 22
11. Hollister 2003, pp. 33–34
12. Hollister 2003, p. 37; Green 2009, p. 23
13. Hollister 2003, p. 37
14. Hollister 2003, pp. 37–38
15. Barlow 1999, p. 162
16. Hollister 2003, p. 38
17. Hollister 2003, pp. 38–39
18. Hollister 2003, pp. 39–40, 46
19. Hollister 2003, p. 39; Green 2009, p. 25
20. Hollister 2003, p. 39
21. Hollister 2003, p. 48
22. Hollister 2003, pp. 48–49
23. Thompson 2007, p. 17
24. Hollister 2003, pp. 40, 47
25. Hollister 2003, p. 49
26. Green 2009, p. 28
27. Hollister 2003, pp. 51–53; Thompson 2007, p. 19
28. Hollister 2003, p. 53
29. Hollister 2003, p. 50
30. Hollister 2003, pp. 56–58, 61
31. Hollister 2003, pp. 57–59
32. Hollister 2003, p. 56
33. Hollister 2003, p. 54
34. Green 2009, p. 29
35. Hollister 2003, p. 61
36. Hollister 2003, p. 62
37. Hollister 2003, p. 65
38. Hollister 2003, pp. 65–66
39. Hollister 2003, pp. 66–68
40. Hollister 2003, p. 68
41. Hollister 2003, pp. 6–69
42. Hollister 2003, p. 69
43. Hollister 2003, p. 70
44. Hollister 2003, p. 71
45. Hollister 2003, p. 72
46. Hollister 2003, p. 73
47. Hollister 2003, pp. 74–76
48. Hollister 2003, p. 76
49. Hollister 2003, pp. 76–77
50. Hollister 2003, p. 77
51. Hollister 2003, pp. 78–79
52. Hollister 2003, p. 79
53. Hollister 2003, p. 80
54. Hollister 2003, pp. 80–81
55. Hollister 2003, pp. 81–82
56. Hollister 2003, p. 82; Green 2009, p. 32
57. Hollister 2003, pp. 82–83
58. Hollister 2003, p. 82
59. Hollister 2003, p. 85
60. Hollister 2003, pp. 85–86
61. Hollister 2003, pp. 86–88
62. Green 2009, p. 33; Hollister 2003, p. 89
63. Hollister 2003, p. 89
64. Hollister 2003, pp. 90–91
65. Hollister 2003, p. 96
66. Hollister 2003, pp. 96–97
67. Green 2009, p. 35
68. Hollister 2003, p. 99
69. Green 2009, p. 36
70. Hollister 2003, pp. 98–101; Green 2009, pp. 36–37
71. Hollister 2003, p. 102
72. Hollister 2003, pp. 102–103
73. Hollister 2003, p. 103
74. Hollister 2003, pp. 103–104; Carpenter 2004, p. 134; Green pp.39–41.
75. Carpenter 2004, p. 134; Hollister 2003, p. 104; Mason 2008, pp. 228–231; Green 2009, p. 41; Poole 1993, pp. 113–114
76. Hollister 2003, pp. 103–105
77. Hollister 2003, p. 104
78. Hollister 2003, p. 105
79. Hollister 2003, pp. 104–105; Green 2009, p. 43
80. Hollister 2003, pp. 104–105
81. Holister, p.106.
82. Hollister 2003, p. 19; Green 2009, p. 45
83. Green 2009, pp. 45–50
84. Hollister 2003, pp. 110–112
85. Hollister 2003, p. 116
86. Hollister 2003, pp. 116–117
87. Hollister 2003, p. 117
88. Green 2009, pp. 51–52
89. Hollister 2003, p. 130
90. Hollister 2003, p. 43; Thompson 2003, p. 134; Green 2009, p. 26
91. Thompson 2007, p. 24; Huneycutt 2003, p. 27
92. Hollister 2003, pp. 126–127; Green 2009, p. 58
93. Hollister 2003, p. 127
94. Hollister 2003, pp. 126–127
95. Hollister 2003, pp. 127–128; Thompson 2003, p. 137
96. Hollister 2003, pp. 128–129
97. Green 2009, p. 55
98. Hollister 2003, p. 130; Thompson 2003, p. 137
99. Hollister 2003, p. 130; Green 2009, p. 75
100. Green 2009, p. 75
101. Thompson 2003, p. 137
102. Hollister 2003, p. 43; Green 2009, pp. 26–27; 307–309
103. Hollister 2003, p. 45; Thompson 2003, p. 135
104. Thompson 2003, p. 135
105. Thompson 2003, pp. 130–133
106. Hollister 2003, pp. 132–133; Green 2009, p. 61
107. Hollister 2003, pp. 133–134
108. Hollister 2003, pp. 134–135
109. Hollister 2003, pp. 135–136
110. Hollister 2003, p. 125
111. Hollister 2003, p. 137; Green 2009, p. 63
112. Hollister 2003, p. 137
113. Hollister 2003, pp. 137–138
114. Hollister 2003, p. 138
115. Hollister 2003, pp. 139–140
116. Hollister 2003, pp. 142–143
117. Green 2009, p. 64
118. Hollister 2003, p. 145
119. Hollister 2003, p. 143
120. Hollister 2003, pp. 143–144
121. Hollister 2003, p. 157
122. Hollister 2003, pp. 157–158
123. Hollister 2003, pp. 158–162
124. Hollister 2003, pp. 164–165
125. Green 2009, pp. 74–77
126. Hollister 2003, pp. 178–179
127. Hollister 2003, pp. 182–183
128. Hollister 2003, pp. 183–184
129. Hollister 2003, p. 184; Green 2009, p. 78
130. Green 2009, pp. 80–81
131. Hollister 2003, p. 185
132. Hollister 2003, pp. 184–185; Green 2009, p. 82
133. Hollister 2003, p. 186
134. Hollister 2003, p. 188
135. Hollister 2003, pp. 188–189
136. Hollister 2003, pp. 189–190
137. Hollister 2003, p. 190; Green 2009, p. 85
138. Hollister 2003, p. 198; Green 2009, pp. 88–89
139. Hollister 2003, p. 199
140. Hollister 2003, pp. 199–200
141. Green 2009, p. 93; Hollister 2003, pp. 199–200
142. Hollister 2003, pp. 199–201
143. Hollister 2003, p. 201
144. Hollister 2003, pp. 204–207
145. Hollister 2003, p. 207
146. Hollister 2003, p. 205
147. Hollister 2003, p. 206
148. Hollister 2003, pp. 208–209
149. Green 2009, p. 96; Green 2003, p. 64
150. Green 2009, pp. 224–225
151. Green 2009, pp. 226–227; Hollister 2003, p. 126
152. Green 2009, p. 226; Davies 1990, pp. 11–12; 48–49
153. Green 2009, pp. 98, 105
154. Green 2009, p. 228
155. Green 2009, pp. 232–233
156. Mayr-Harting 2011, pp. 47–48; Green 2009, p. 231
157. Green 2009, pp. 232–233; Crouch 2008, p. 17
158. Green 2009, p. 314; Hollister 2003, pp. 332, 334
159. Hollister 2003, pp. 329, 324–347
160. Green 2009, pp. 285–286; Mayr-Harting 2011, p. 69
161. Green 2009, pp. 285–286
162. Green 2009, pp. 286–287
163. Chibnall 1992, pp. 86–89; Prestwich 1992, pp. 102–3, 118
164. Green 2009, pp. 289–290
165. Green 2009, pp. 294–295; 304–305
166. Hollister 2003, pp. 330–331
167. Hollister 2003, p. 350
168. Green 2009, p. 239; Cooper 2001, pp. 47–51
169. Hollister 2003, pp. 351, 356
170. Hollister 2003, pp. 356–357
171. Hollister 2003, pp. 358–359; Green 2009, p. 319; Newman 1988, p. 24
172. Hollister 2003, p. 358
173. Hollister 2003, p. 356
174. Hollister 2003, p. 354
175. Green 2009, pp. 188–189
176. Haskins 1918, pp. 86, 93, 105–106
177. Newman 1988, p. 20
178. Green 2009, pp. 242–243
179. Crouch 2008, p. 3
180. Vaughn 2007, p. 134
181. Green 2009, p. 255
182. Vaughn 2007, p. 135
183. Green 2009, p. 273
184. Mayr-Harting 2011, pp. 51–53
185. Mayr-Harting 2011, pp. 52–53
186. Mayr-Harting 2011, p. 53; Green 2009, p. 53
187. Mayr-Harting 2011, p. 53; Vaughn 2007, p. 142
188. Mayr-Harting 2011, p. 53; Vaughn 2007, p. 142; Green 2009, pp. 84–88; Hollister 2003, p. 196
189. Hollister 2003, p. 196
190. Vaughn 2007, pp. 139–140, 144
191. Mayr-Harting 2011, pp. 58–59
192. Mayr-Harting 2011, pp. 61–62
193. Mayr-Harting 2011, p. 62; Hollister 2003, pp. 272–273
194. Green 2009, pp. 262–265
195. Brett 1975, p. 106
196. Brett 1975, pp. 106–107
197. Vaughn 2007, p. 148
198. Hollister 2003, pp. 371, 379; Brett 1975, pp. 110–111
199. Brett 1975, pp. 111–112
200. Green 2009, p. 14
201. Mayr-Harting 2011, pp. 44–45; Brett 1975, p. 112
202. Brett 1975, p. 112
203. Mayr-Harting 2011, pp. 46; Southern 1962, pp. 155, 163, cited in Brett 1975, p. 112; Green 2009, p. 282
204. Green 2009, pp. 277–280
205. Green 2009, p. 278
206. Hollister 2003, pp. 435–438
207. Green 2009, pp. 278–280
208. Green 2009, p. 14; Bethell 1971, p. 69
209. Hollister 2003, p. 221
210. Hallam & Everard 2001, p. 153; Hollister 2003, p. 223
211. Hollister 2003, p. 223
212. Green 2009, p. 120
213. Hollister 2003, pp. 221, 224; Hallam & Everard 2001, p. 67
214. Hollister 2003, p. 224
215. Hollister 2003, pp. 224–225
216. Hollister 2003, p. 216
217. Hollister 2003, pp. 216–217; Green 2009, p. 118
218. Green 2009, p. 118
219. Hollister 2003, p. 217
220. Hollister 2003, p. 218
221. Hollister 2003, p. 225
222. Hollister 2003, pp. 225, 228; Green 2009, p. 121
223. Hollister 2003, pp. 227–228
224. Green 2003, p. 65
225. Green 2003, p. 645
226. Hollister 2003, pp. 226–227
227. Green 2009, p. 123; Hollister 2003, p. 229
228. Hollister 2003, p. 230
229. Hollister 2003, pp. 231–232
230. Carpenter 2004, pp. 38, 140
231. Green 2009, p. 132
232. Green 2009, pp. 132–133
233. Green 2009, p. 133
234. Hollister 2003, p. 238
235. Hollister 2003, pp. 239–240
236. Hollister 2003, p. 246; Green 2009, p. 135
237. Hollister 2003, p. 246; Green 2009, pp. 135, 138
238. Hollister 2003, pp. 246–248; Green 2009, pp. 135, 143
239. Green 2009, pp. 139–140; Hollister 2003, p. 247
240. Hollister 2003, pp. 250–251
241. Hollister 2003, p. 251
242. Hollister 2003, p. 252
243. Hollister 2003, p. 253; Green 2009, pp. 143, 146
244. Hollister 2003, p. 253
245. Hollister 2003, pp. 253–254
246. Hollister 2003, p. 254
247. Hollister 2003, pp. 254–255
248. Hollister 2003, p. 261
249. Hollister 2003, p. 261; Green 2009, p. 149
250. Hollister 2003, pp. 263–264
251. Hollister 2003, p. 264
252. Hollister 2003, p. 264; Green 2009, p. 152
253. Hollister 2003, pp. 264–265
254. Hollister 2003, p. 265
255. Hollister 2003, pp. 265–266; Green 2009, pp. 153–154
256. Hollister 2003, p. 267; Green 2009, p. 157
257. Hollister 2003, pp. 267–268
258. Hollister 2003, pp. 268–269
259. Hollister 2003, p. 274
260. Hollister 2003, pp. 276–279
261. Hollister 2003, pp. 276–277
262. Hollister 2003, pp. 277–278
263. Green 2009, p. 66
264. Hollister 2003, p. 278; Green 2009, p. 167
265. Hollister 2003, p. 280; Green 2009, p. 168
266. Hollister 2003, p. 280
267. Green 2009, p. 169
268. Hollister 2003, p. 281; Thompson 2003, p. 137; Green 2009, p. 169
269. Hollister 2003, p. 282
270. Hollister 2003, p. 290
271. Hollister 2003, p. 291.
272. Hollister 2003, p. 292
273. Hollister 2003, pp. 292–293; Green 2009, p. 179
274. Green 2009, pp. 179–180; Crouch 2008, p. 15
275. Hollister 2003, pp. 293–294
276. Hollister 2003, pp. 297–298; Green 2009, p. 184
277. Hollister 2003, p. 300
278. Hollister 2003, pp. 302–303; Green 2009, pp. 186–187
279. Hollister 2003, p. 306
280. Ward 2006, p. 20
281. Hollister 2003, pp. 308–309; Green 2009, p. 170
282. Green 2009, pp. 170
283. Hollister 2003, p. 310
284. Green 2009, p. 168
285. Hollister 2003, pp. 312–313
286. Hollister 2003, pp. 311–312
287. Hollister 2003, p. 396
288. Hollister 2003, p. 309
289. Green 2009, pp. 193–194
290. Hollister 2003, p. 318; Green 2009, p. 191
291. Green 2009, pp. 196–197
292. Green 2009, p. 197
293. Hollister 2003, pp. 319–321; Green 2009, pp. 197–198
294. Hollister 2003, p. 321
295. Hollister 2003, pp. 325–326
296. Hollister 2003, p. 326; Newman 1988, pp. 57–58
297. Hollister 2003, p. 323
298. Hollister 2003, p. 324
299. Hollister 2003, pp. 324–325; Green 2009, pp. 202–203
300. Chibnall 1993, pp. 56, 60
301. Hollister 2003, p. 463; Chibnall 1993, p. 57
302. Hollister 2003, p. 463; Green 2009, pp. 58–61
303. Hollister 2003, p. 465; Green 2009, p. 213
304. King 2010, pp. 38–39
305. Green 2009, pp. 216–217; King 2010, p. 38; Crouch 2008, p. 162
306. Barlow 1999, p. 162; Hollister 2003, p. 467
307. Hollister 2003, pp. 467, 473
308. Hollister 2003, pp. 467–468, 473
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Henry I of England
House of Normandy
Born: 1068/1069 Died: 1 December 1135
Regnal titles
Preceded by
William II
King of England
1100–1135 Succeeded by
Preceded by Stephen
William Adelin
Duke of Normandy
1120–1135
Preceded by
Robert Curthose
Duke of Normandy
1106–1120
Succeeded by
William Adelin
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Henry_I_of_England&oldid=785448488"
Categories: Henry I of England 1060s births 1135 deaths 11th-century English people
12th-century English people English people of French descent House of Normandy Dukes of Normandy
English monarchs Roman Catholic monarchs English Roman Catholics French Roman Catholics
People from Selby Deaths from food poisoning Burials at Reading Abbey
Christians of the Norwegian Crusade 12th-century monarchs in Europe
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Henry I 'Beauclerc', King of England was born in September 1068 at Selby, Yorkshire, North Riding, England, the son of William I 'the Conqueror', King of England and Matihilde van Vlaanderen. He married, firstly, Editha of Scotland, daughter of Malcolm III 'Caennmor', King of Scotland and Saint Margaret 'the Exile' on 11 November 1100 at Westminster Abbey, Westminster, London, England. He married, secondly, Adeliza de Louvain, daughter of Godefroi I de Louvain, Duc de Basse-Lorraine and Ida de Namur, Comtesse de Namur, on 29 January 1121 at Windsor Castle, Windsor, Berkshire, England. He died on 1 December 1135 at age 67 at Saintt-Denis-le-Fermont, Picardie, France, food poisioning, after supposedly overeating lampreys. He was buried at Reading Abbey, Reading, Berkshire, England. He gained the title of Lord of Domfront in 1092. He gained the title of Comte de Bayeaux in 1096. He gained the title of Comte de Coutances in 1096. He succeeded to the title of King Henry I of England on 2 August 1100. He was crowned King of England on 5 August 1100 at Westminster Abbey, Westminster, London, England, and styled 'Dei Gratiâ Rex Anglorum.' He succeeded to the title of 9th Duc de Normandie on 28 September 1106, after defeating his brother Robert in battle. He fought in the Battle of Tinchebrai on 28 September 1106. Strangely, at the time William 'Rufus' was shot in the New Forest, Henry was also hunting there and this may or may not be coincidence. Henry was in turn in some danger from his brother Robert who claimed the throne for himself. Robert was captured at the battle of Tinchebrai in 1106 and Henry imprisoned him in Cardiff Castle for the rest of his life. Henry was successful in keeping the peace in England despite spending much time in Normandy. He developed the English system of justice and organised the civil service of the time, particularly the taxation department. He was unpopular with the church leaders. He had only one legitimate son, William and a legitimate daughter Matilda, but over twenty illegitimate children. His sons William and Richard were drowned in 1120 aboard his personal vessel the 'White Ship' when it struck a rock off the Normandy coast. He wanted his successor to be his daughter Matilda whom the English called Maud. He has an extensive biographical entry in the Dictionary of National Biography.
Children of Henry I 'Beauclerc', King of England and Isabella of Meulan: Matilda of Montvilliers, Isabella b. 1120: Children of Henry I 'Beauclerc', King of England and Edith Sigulfson: Adeliza fitz Edith, Robert fitz Edith, Baron of Okenhampton b. 1093, d. 31 May 1172,
children of Henry I 'Beauclerc', King of England, Matilda,Constance, Alice, Joan, Emma, Elizabeth, Sybilla of Falaise b. bt 1084 - 1136,
Gilbert b. c 1130, d. 1142. Children of Henry I 'Beauclerc', King of England and Sybilla Corbet;ohese d. 1176, Robert de Caen, 1st Earl of Gloucester+ b. c 1090, d. 31 Oct 1147, Sybilla de Normandie7 b. c 1092, d. 12 Jul 1122, William, Constable7 b. b 1105, d. a 1187
Rainald de Dunstanville, Earl of Cornwall+10 b. c 1110, d. 1 Jul 1175
Gundred b. 1114, d. 1146, Child of Henry I 'Beauclerc', King of England and Gieva de Tracey, William de Tracy+7 d. a 1135
Children of Henry I 'Beauclerc', King of England and Ansfride , Juliana de Fontevrault+7 b. c 1090, d. a 1136, Fulk b. c 1092, Richard of Lincoln11 b. c 1094, d. 25 Nov 1120
Child of Henry I 'Beauclerc', King of England and Edith (?)
Matilda (?)+7 b. c 1090, d. 25 Nov 1120
Children of Henry I 'Beauclerc', King of England and Editha of Scotland
Euphemia of England7 b. Jul 1101
Matilda 'the Empress' of England+ b. c Aug 1102, d. 10 Sep 1167
William 'the Aetheling', 10th Duc de Normandie11 b. b 5 Aug 1103, d. 25 Nov 1120
Child of Henry I 'Beauclerc', King of England and Nesta, Princess of Deheubarth
Henry fitz Henry+7 b. c 1103, d. c 1157
Abstract from the Peerage.
"HENRY of England, son of WILLIAM I "the Conqueror" King of England & his wife Mathilde de Flandre ([Selby, Yorkshire Sep 1068]-Château de Lyon-la-Forêt, near Rouen 1 Dec 1135, bur Reading Abbey, Berkshire). Orderic Vitalis names “Rotbertum...et Ricardum, Willermum et Henricum” as the sons of “Willermus Normanniæ dux” and his wife “Mathildem Balduini ducis Flandrensium filiam, neptem...ex sorore Henrici regis Francorum, (Cawley, 2006).
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1068 - 1135 (67 years)
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